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kind of prescriptive title to a portfolio, selves to improving the condition of whenever his side comes into power. the people. Hence his interest in the Lord Palmerston said that nothing is Housing Acts, in sanitation, and in inharder than getting a new man into dustrial regulation. He urged his the Cabinet except keeping out a man party to return to the excellent tradiwho has once been there. Lord Salis- tion of the time when Lord Ashley was bury's sense of party loyalty did not able to carry the Factory Acts in the permit him to overlook these consider- teeth of the opposition of Radical "reations. Perhaps he might have made formers." In 1887 he asked whether some effort to do so, if he had been the question of the unemployed was not possessed with a more fervent belief worth a good deal more attention than in the efficacy of political and admin. politicians had been inclined to bestow istrative action. But a conviction of upon it. “You know how the difficulty the mediocrity of things is easily recon- of the unemployed is rising; in the ciled with an acquiescence in the medi- south there are vast masses of men ocrity of men. So he enlarged the size who have no evil will, against whom of his Cabinets, and contentedly toler- no harm can be stated, who have only ated the continuance in office of vari- this one wish, this one demand-that ous second-rate Ministers, who could the labor which they are prepared to have had no great influence on the con- give should be accepted, and bare susduct of affairs. They were left to tenance given them in place of it. Is manage or mismanage their depart- that no subject for the consideration of ments, while the direction of policy Parliament? Is it not more important was kept in the hands of an Inner than these organic questions on which Cabinet, consisting of Lord Salisbury we have spent so much time? Is it not himself, and the four or five confiden- more important that we should save tial and important colleagues by whose men, well-to-do men from ruin, and opinions he was really guided.

working men from starvation, instead It would, however, be very unjust of bringing forward measures whose to represent Lord Salisbury's attitude only effect can be to hound class in domestic politics as that of mere against class and creed against creed?" Degation. He objected to "heroic leg- He was even assailed with the impuislation," and constant tampering with tation of “Socialism,” which is comthe mechanism of Government,” but he monly flung at anybody who endeavors held that to frame well-devised meas- to deal with social wrongs in earnest. ures of social reform was the proper It was an absurd charge in Lord Salisobject of Parliamentary action.

He

bury's case, but he met it frankly. held, also, that while the Liberals were "Do not tell me,” he said, “that these occupied with ambitious and hazard- are Socialistic sentiments. Nothing ous, political changes, the Conserva- would induce me to adopt the Socialtives should specially devote them- ist remedies, but the socialistic cries

. "The last forty years have brought us such broken, and the conditions that cling round it 18 eril habit of believing that organic change are dissipated. Its power for good is gone. is a decessary function of Parliament, that it may be in the power of future Parliaments in the year has gone by, and nobody is despoiled some degree to repair the evil, but they never and no institution is smashed, we say the Ses- can recall the past. This, at least, they can sion has been wasted. Unless I mis-read the

They can put a stop to the further progress signs of the times, the feeling of the country is of assaulting interests for the purpose of showthat this heroic legislation must

ing the industry of Parliament. They may-and ... My lords and gentlemen, the processes I believe that is the policy they ought to pursue of destruction are in their nature irrevocable. -they may return to the paths of conciliatory You can Do more on foot an institution

legislation."--Speech at Hertford, October 17, wbieb has been cast down, than you can raise the dead. The continuity of existence 18

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convince me that there is an evil, and sta tesmen of Europe. It was a happy that Parliament is deeply responsible turn of fortune which caused Lord for not giving its whole time to it." Derby to resign the seals in the crisis His attitude towards the “masses" was of the Eastern Question in 1878, and manly as well as humane. He refused allowed Lord Salisbury to find his true to flatter the working-men, or even to métier. At the Foreign Office he was consider them as a class apart from happier and more successful than anythe rest of the population. In one of where else. "It is not fanciful," said the brilliant speeches by which he es- the late Mr. H. D. Traill, in his exceltablished his reputation, in the debates lent sketch of Lord Salisbury, “to supon Mr. Gladstone's Reform Bill of pose that one of the attractions of the 1866, he deprecated the adulation of Foreign Office for him is that, of all the “the future sovereign," who was ex- departments of the State, it is that to pected to be “the great power in the which popular criticism and popular State against which no other power demands have obtained least access, will be able to stand":

and the Minister in charge of which is.

least frequently called upon to explain My own feeling with respect to the

and justify his proceedings before popworking men is simply this, that we

ular audiences. have heard a great deal too much of

It is possible, even in them, as if they were different from these democratic days, for sucother Englishmen. I do not under- cessful and trusted Foreign Secrestand why the nature of the poor or tary to feel something of that working men in this country should be proudly inspiriting consciousness of different from that of other English

power, and that elevating sense of men. They spring from the same race; they live under the same climate; they responsibility which nerved the will, are brought up under the same laws;

while it steadied the judgment, of the they aspire after the same historical great ministers who have represented model which we admire ourselves; and this country before the world in hisI cannot understand why this nature

toric periods of the past; and one may is to be thought better or worse than

suspect that it needs some such stimuthat of other classes.

lus to Lord Salisbury's imagination to This sane and straightforward remon- raise his interest in contemporary polistrance is worth quoting to-day, when tics to the requisite pitch." "Labor” is more than ever inclined to rate, he was distinctly in his element regard itself as a distinct caste, and to in this office, The quiet, laborious separate itself, for political purposes at

work suited him, and gave full play any rate, from the rest of the commu- to his judicial faculty, and his capacity nity.

for balancing arguments and alternaSo far nothing has been said of Lord tives. His calmly scientific outlook on Salisbury as Foreign Minister; and it men and things enabled him to keep is difficult to say much since the de- clear of the sentimental impulses and tailed history of the fruitful years he the sentimental alarms which deflect passed in Downing Street can hardly the course of national policy. The be known to the world till the records momentary panics and transient enthuof the European Chancelleries and For- siasms passed him by, and no one was eign Offices are laid open. Yet this more impervious to the sensations of was by far the most useful and distin- the platform and the newspapers. guished period of his career, the part When one set of Imperialists had that was most congenial to himself, and worked themselves into a panic over that gave him his true rank among the

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reminded them that the new territory time of peculiar stress and difficulty, included a good deal of “rather light its reputation for steady consistency. soil"; when others were taunted with which had been almost lost during the & vision of the Cossacks on the Indus, unfortunate period of Gladstonian rule. be advised them to consult some "large It was a consistency which found its maps"; when, more recently, there was basis in an equitable regard for British much sensitiveness about Chinese rail- interests. His conception of the moway concessions, he observed that it tives which should animate an English would take some time before the rail- Minister was laid down in a speech at ways could be built.

the Lord Mayor's banquet in 1876, at In the great critical situations in a moment when the country was agiwhich he found himself, he retained tated by reports of Turkish cruelty in his deliberate self-possession, and re- the Balkans. "Those who in fused to be burried either into office," he said, "have their feelings render or menace. He was accused like other men, but they hold the reof being unduly prone to a bargaining sources of England not as owners, but agreement with a foreign Government, as trustees. An owner may do what and sometimes, as in East Central Af- he likes, looking to his sympathies, his rica, in Siam, and perhaps in the Far anxieties, and his wishes; but a trustee East, it was said that he had yielded must act according to the strict rights more than the occasion required. That and interests committed to his charge. is an imputation which it is really im- These are the sentiments which must possible to deal with, in the present guide the Government in dealing with state of our knowledge of contempo- the difficult and painful task before rary diplomacy; for cannot tell them. We do not believe that in the what difficulties he had to encounter long run the sentiments which are natfrom the movements and combinations ural to the people of this country will of the great European Powers, and be found at variance with the duties bow often concessions, which seemed which policy imposes upon us. We on the surface doubtful, were more believe that if we uphold the rights than justified by the necessities of the and interests of England, and adhere hour. What we do know is that in to the treaties by which England is certain threatening emergencies he bound, and look upon that course as showed no lack of either judgment or the first and chief of those duties prefirmness. He steered calmly through scribed to us, we shall thereby be dothe Venezuela storm of 1895-96, and ing the utmost that in us lies to mainso handled it that the foundation was tain the interests of peace, humanity, laid of a better understanding between and civilization." Fortunate for the Great Britain and the United States country it was that during the last few than had subsisted since the American years of world-wide change and move. Revolution. That alone was an achieve- ment, its affairs have been directed by ment by which the whole Anglo-Saxon a statesman animated by that sound world was placed under an enduring doctrine, and able to carry it into obligation to him. He took the meas- effect. When the true history of our ure of Teutonic assumption at the time epoch can be written it may be seen of the Jameson Raid, and of Gallic how much England, and the wider excitement over Fashoda, and brought world outside, owed to the steadying both quietly to their bearings. But influence, which was withdrawn from the highest of his services was to re- our politics before the Coronation of gain for English foreign policy, in a King Edward VII. The Fortnightly Borlow.

Sidney Loro. ECLECTIC

557

VOL. LXXIX.

THE DEAD.

Strong are alone the dead.
They need not bow the head,
Or reach one hand in ineffectual prayer.
Safe in their iron sleep,
What wrong shall make them weep,
What sting of human anguish reach them there?
They are gone safe beyond the strong one's reign,
Who shall decree against them any pain?

John Leicester Warren.

CANADA, THE EMPIRE, AND MR. CHAMBERLAIN.

About a quarter of a century ago there was to be seen posted on the church doors in England a proclamation of the Privy Council respecting the Colorado beetle in which Ontario was designated as “that town." Just after the settlement of the Alabama claims by the Treaty of Washington a Canadian visitor to England was invited to a meeting on emigration held in a city reputed highly intelligent. He spoke of the warm feelings of Canadians towards the Mother Country and was followed by a speaker, evidently a well-educated man, who expressed his pleasure at what he had heard about Canadian feeling, adding that he hoped, now the Alabama question was settled, there was nothing to separate the two nations from each other! This ignorance, and the indifference of which it was the ludicrous manifestation, have passed away. They have given place to an extraordinary access of interest in Canada and an enthusiastic expectation of the part to be played by her in the unification of the Empire, which, though far more gratifying to her than the previous neglect, may in turn be somewhat misleading in its way, especially if British visitors

confine their observation to official Ottawa or the specially British circles of Toronto and Montreal.

The first condition of real knowledge and sound inference about Canada is the use of the physical in place of the political map. At the time of the Jubilee the Canadian Post Office issued a stamp with a miniature map of the British Empire and the motto “We Hold a Vaster Empire than Has Been." Canada appeared as an unbroken expanse of territory, colored the Imperial red, including the North Pole, and equal in extent to all the remaining members of the Empire put together, Great Britain appearing as a mere pigmy in comparison. A common Englishman looking at this stamp would certainly have imagined that the whole of the vast expanse was habitable and cultivable and that the population of the whole of it was British. Such is the political fancy.

The physical fact is that of this vast area by far the greater part belongs to the region of ice and snow. Canada may be described as the northern section of the habitable and cultivable continent, much broken and indented, and with a great and at present unde

fined projection to the north formed by called the Eastern Townships, they are Manitoba and the Territories newly advancing in Eastern Ontario and to opened. The Dominion is made up of the North, along the line of the Canafour separate blocks of Territory di- dian Pacific Railway. Americans are vided from each other by wide spaces pouring into the North-West, which, a great barriers of nature. The Mari. owing to their superior aptitude for time Provinces, Nova Scotia, New prairie farming and life, seems des Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island, tined to be theirs. are divided from Quebec and Ontario The French of Quebec are, or have by the tract through which the Inter- hitherto been, a simple, contented, and colonial Railway runs, hardly taking devout people, kindly and courteous, up a passenger or a bale of freight for though generally little educated and a great part of the way. The territory unprogressive; rather a refreshing exincluding Quebec and Ontario again is ception to the surrounding whirl divided from Manitoba and the North- of progress. They multiply apace, Western Territories by desert and their priests inculcating early marriage Lake Superior, a great inland sea. on moral grounds. The priests, whose Between the North-Western Territories ascendancy has hitherto been complete, and British Columbia there is a triple have made the French-Canadian moral range of mountains. The proportion in an ecclesiastical way, and Frenchof habitable and cultivable land in the Canada is probably about the best thing Maritime Provinces is not great; nor that Roman Catholicism has to show. is it very great in Quebec. In Ontario, The French-Canadians are content with hitherto the premier province, it is British institutions. Their leaders are much larger. In Manitoba and the satisfied with office or the position and North-West Territories the extent of salaries of Members of Parliament at habitable and cultivable land is vast, Ottawa. The revolutionary spirit of how vast is not yet known. In British 1837, its causes being extinct, has died Columbia there is not much cultivable away, though the antagonism of race land, though there is mineral wealth still remains and sometimes shows itwhich is attracting a swarm of adven- self in the jury-box. A Quebec "Red" turers, and timber abounds on the is merely anti-ecclesiastical and Libermountains.

al. But the belief that the French of the population, the homogeneity people are Anglicized, or converted to of which is suggested by the uniform British Imperialism, is unfounded. red color on the stamp, the British, Their nationality is still strong. Their though the predominant race, are not language is still the French patois. the majority. The majority is made Their popular flag is French. Their up of French-Canadians, Celtic and hearts were with Riel and the French Catholic Irish, Germans, Americans, half-breeds who rebelled in the Northand other miscellaneous nationalities, West. Two battalions of their Militia ineluding those which the Government were called out but not sent to the has been importing into the North- front, while the colonel of each of West. The French are gaining ground. them obeyed his political sympathies They have ousted the British from the and withdrew. It may be easily judged district south of the St. Lawrence whether they would fight against

* It was probably to fatter French sentiment Esat cruel charges were brought by a party in the Canadian Parliament against the character of General Sir Frel. Middleton, who bad com

manded against the French Half-breeds. The charges, that which was probably their political object having been served, were allowed to fall to the ground.

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