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own arowal to Lord Granville that he lar judgment here pronounced, but its was seeking to discover measures like- spirit must command the sympathy of ly materially to mend the position of all generous minds. So, again, men the party for an impending election," still differ as to the action of Mr. Gladand that he thought such measures stone and his Cabinet in the sinister might best be found in the domain of tragedy of Majuba; but few will withfinance. There is a ring of party op- hold their assent from Mr. Morley's portunism about this which ill consorts scathing censure on the fatal prelimiwith a lofty and disinterested states- nary dawdling which led directly to the manship. At the same time it is clear catastrophe. "So a fresh page was that income-tax repeal was no desperate turned in the story of loitering unwisexpedient hastily adopted by a min- dom." That we may not have to reister in extremis. He had taken the vert to a painful subject, we may Exchequer into his own hands, and in here quote Mr. Morley's final judgment the previous summer had instituted in- on the whole transaction:quiries which led the officials con

Some have argued that we ought to cerned to surmise that he was nursing have brought up overwhelming some design of dealing with the in- force, to demonstrate that we were come-tax. He had, as he records in able to beat them, before we made his diary, communicated his ideas "in peace. Unfortunately, demonstrations deep secrecy" to Mr. Cardwell, and of this species easily turn into provotold him they were “based upon the

cations, and talk of this kind mostly

comes from those who believe, not that abolition of income-tax and sugar du

peace was made in the wrong way, ties, with partial compensation from

but that a peace giving their country spirit and death duties.” At the end back to the Boers ought never to have of September he wrote in the diary, been made at all, on any terms or in "I want eight millions to handle!" "So any way. This was not the point from much," says Mr. Morley, "for the chari

which either Cabinet or Parliament table tale that he only bethought him

started. The government had decided

that annexation had been an error. The of the income-tax when desperately

Boers had proposed inquiry. The govhunting for a card to play at a general ernment assented on condition that the election."

Boers dispersed. Without waiting a On the Midlothian campaign, Mr. reasonable time for a reply, our genMorley remarks:

eral was worsted in a rash and trivial

attack. Did this cancel our proffered To disparage eloquence is to depreciate

bargain? The point was simple and mankind; and when men say that Mr.

unmistakable, though party heat at Gladstone and Midlothian were no bet

home, race passion in the colony, and ter than a resplendent mistake, they

our everlasting human proneness to forget how many objects of our rever

mix up different questions, and to anence stand condemned by implication swer one point by arguments that bein their verdict; they have not thought long to another, all combined to proout how many of the faiths and prin- duce a confusion of mind that a certain ciples that have been the brightest school of partisans have traded upon lamps in the track of human advance ever since. Strange in mighty nations they are extinguishing by the same un

is moral cowardice, disguised as a Rokind and freezing breath. One should man pride. All the more may we adtake care lest in quenching the spirit mire the moral courage of the minister. of Midlothian, we leave the sovereign

For moral courage may be needed even mastery of the world to Machiavelli where aversion to bloodshed fortunate(ii, 594).

ly happens to coincide with high pru

dence and sound policy of state (iii, 43. We may not all concur in the particu

44).

We presume that Mr. Morley means packets of copious letters of this date, that "high prudence and sound policy" written and received, show him a minwere displayed in the surrender of

ister of unalterable patience, unruffled 1881. How utterly we disagree with

self-command; inexhaustible in re

source, catcbing at every straw from him, it is hardly necessary to remind

the resource of others, indefatigable in readers of this Review. But it is not

bringing men of divergent opinions our purpose on this occasion to combat within friendly reach of one another; Mr. Morley's opinions; we prefer to of tireless ingenuity in minimizing difgive our readers, with as little adverse ferences and convincing recalcitrants comment as may be, some notion of his

that what they took for a yawning book. Mr. Morley gives a cogent prac

gulf was, in fact, no more than a nar

row trench that any decent political tical reason why the Cabinet were so 'gymnast ought to be ashamed not to strongly inclined to come to an under- be able to vault over (iii, 185). standing on the basis of the Boer overtures made by Kruger before Majuba, "The point-blank is not for all occabut after Colley's reverses at Laing's sions, and only a simpleton can think Nek and the Ingogo River,

otherwise"—this of the ambiguities and

obscurities of Mr. Gladstone's utterAny other decision would have broken

ances during the election of 1885. “You up the government, for, on at least one division in the House on Transvaal af

need greater qualities" (said Cardinal fairs, Mr. Bright and Mr. Chamberlain, De Retz) "to be a good party leader along with three other ministers not in .than to be emperor of the universe. the Cabinet, had abstained from voting Ireland is not that part of the universe (iii, 35).

in which this is the least true"—this of

Parnell's leadership in 1885 and of The conclusion is, then, that the inter

Ireland's acceptance of it. ests of the country were sacrificed to

here be noted that a confidential draft the cohesion of the Cabinet.

of the first Home Rule Bill was en"Ireland never blows over," is an

trusted to Parnell before its introducother of Mr. Morley's pregnant com

tion, with permission to communicate ments in recording how other “rising

it to a few of his colleagues, accomstorms" in the Cabinet seemed to have

panied by a solemn warning against blown over in the late spring of 1885,

premature divulgation. when the powerful government of 1880 was already tottering to its fall. It The draft (says Mr. Morley) was duly had, as Mr. Gladstone said himself, returned, and not a word leaked out. "no moral force behind it." Yet his Some time afterwards Mr. Parnell re

called the incident to me. "Three of buoyancy and resource were, as Mr.

the men to whom I showed the draft Morley says, never more wonderful

were newspaper men, and they were than at this juncture:

poor men, and any newspaper would

have given them a thousand pounds for Between the middle of April and the

it. No very wonderful virtue, you may middle of May, he jots down, with half

say. But how many of your House rueful humor, the names of no fewer

of Commons would believe it?" (iii, than nine members of the Cabinet

320). who, within that period, for one reason or another, and at one moment or an

"No reformer” (says Mr. Morley) other, appeared to contemplate resig

"is fit for his task who suffers himnation; that is to say, a majority. Of one meeting he said playfully to a col

self to be frightened off by the exleague, “A very fair Cabinet to-day

cesses of an extreme wing"—this of only three resignations." The large

Mr. Gladstone's attitude towards the

It may

mo

"plan of campaign.” It seems to go convinced, as Cromwell was—and it Dearer to "the standards of Machiavel" is not the only point of likeness bethan is Mr. Morley's wont, or than tween him and Cromwell—that he was quite befits his estimate of Mr. Glad- the man to save the country; and stone's lofty and uncompromising love in such men it is not always easy, for of righteousness.

themselves or for others, to distinguish

between personal ambition and the There is no solution of the problem highest and most disinterested of Mr. Gladstone's character and per- tives. It is just the combination of sonality to be found in any compact or these impulses that, in a sense, constisimple formula. We may call him tutes, or largely contributes to, their bypocrite or saint, according as we greatness. judge him harshly or kindly. We may Mr. Bryce goes on to say that contrast Lord Salisbury's “a great

"one section of the nation accused him Christian statesman” with Kinglake's of sophistry, of unwisdom, of a want Earlier and less generous judgment, "a of patriotism, of a lust for power;" good man-a good man in the worst while "the other section not only resense of the word"; or, if in cynical pelled these charges, but admired in mood, we may combine the two esti

him a conscientiousness and a moral mates. Mr. Bryce says, in the loyal

enthusiasm such as no political leader

has shown for centuries” (p. 411). estimate of his former chief included in his "Biographical Studies": "That he There is perhaps no complete reconcilwas possessed of boundless energy iation of these conflicting judgments, and brilliant eloquence all are agreed; none, at least, for a generation which but agreement went no further.” We knew Mr. Gladstone in the flesh, and must, however, demur to the latter still burns either with enthusiasm or clause. We should have thought that with indignation. Lord Rosebery says agreement went at least so far as to of the Irish question that it has never acknowledge that Mr. Gladstone was passed into history because it has really a great man-great in intellec- never passed out of politics.

So we tual power, great in moral enthusiasm, may say of Mr. Gladstone that he too however misapplied sometimes, great cannot yet pass into history because in parliamentary aptitude and resource, he has not yet passed out of politics. great in more than one department of Midlothian, Majuba, Kilmainham, political effort and achievement, even Khartoum, the surrender to Parnell, if all his more questionable enterprises the conversion to Home Rule—there is be left out of the account or reckoned passion, partisanship, and fierce conon the adverse side. It is true that, tention still glowing in the very words. like all great men of action, and per- Whether we study the spirited bioghaps in larger measure than most, he raphy of Mr. Herbert Paul-the work was gifted with rare powers of self- of an avowed Gladstonian, but fairly persuasion—with a faith in his own impartial, as befits the neutral pages judgment and rectitude of purpose of the “Dictionary of National Biogwhich was seldom shared by his crit raphy” in which it first appeared-or ics, and not always by his friends. the sympathetic but critical analysis "The right honorable gentleman,” said of Mr. Bryce, or the more labored and Mr. Forster on a memorable occasion, copious, but withal temperate and rea"can persuade most people of most soned apologia of Mr. Morley, we still things; he can persuade himself of al- feel that the time is not yet for a final most anything." He was undoubtedly and judicial closing of the bitter controversies which such a character and carried it to the Cabinet; they warned such a career provoked in such abun- him that the House of Commons would dance. Nevertheless it is only a man

be against him; the officials of the

Treasury told him the Bank would be still heated with the passions of by

against him; that a strong press of gone conflicts that can now seriously

commercial interests would be against question Mr. Gladstone's fundamental him. Like the bold and sinewy athsincerity and uprightness, or doubt lete that he always was, he stood to that, in whatever walk of life his lot

his plan; he carried the Cabinet; he had been cast, his strenuous industry,

persuaded the House of Commons; he

vanquished the bank and the hostile inhis amazing versatility, and his com

terests; and, in the words of Sir Stafmanding intellectual powers, must have ford Northcote, he changed and turned, brought him to the top.

for many years to come, a current of

public opinion that seemed far too pow. "I should like to know," cried Huxley,

erful for any minister to resist. In when he met him casually at Darwin's the tempestuous discussions during the house, “what would keep such a man seventies on the policy of this country as that back. Why, put him in the

in respect of the Christian races of the middle of a moor, with nothing in the Balkan Peninsula, he with his own world but his shirt, and you could not voice created, moulded, inspired, and prevent him being anything he liked" kindled with resistless flame the whole (ii, 562).

of the public opinion that eventually

guided the policy of the nation, with And Huxley, as Mr. Morley says, was such admirable effect both for its own as far as possible from being a Glad. fame and for the good of the world. stonian. Indeed he is reported later Take again the Land Act of 1881, in as saying, "Here is a man with the some ways the most deep-reaching of greatest intellect in Europe, and yet he

all his legislative achievements. Here debases it by simply following majori

he had no flowing tide; every current

was against him. He carried his ties and the crowd." Did he? It is

scheme against the ignorance of the a digression here to give Mr. Morley's country, against the prejudice of the comment on this pungent expression country, and against the standing of a very general opinion, but we may

prejudices of both branches of the leg

islature, who were steeped from the cite it as showing that there is at least

crown of the head to the sole of the something to be said on the other side.

foot in the strictest doctrines of con

tract. All this is the exact opposite of the

Then his passion for economy, his truth. What he thought was that the

ceaseless war against public profusion, statesman's gift consisted in insight his insistence upon rigorous keeping of into the facts of a particular era, dis

the national accounts—in this great declosing the existence of material for

partment of affairs he led and did not forming public opinion and directing

follow. In no sphere of his activities public opinion to a given purpose. In

was he more strenuous, and in no every one of his achievements of high sphere, as he must well have known, mark-even in his last marked failure

was he less likely to win popularity. of achievement-he expressly formed,

For democracy is spendthrift; if, to be or endeavored to form and create, the

sure, we may not say that most forms public opinion upon which he knew

of government are apt to be the same that in the last resort he must depend.

(iii, 536-7). We have seen the triumph of 1853. Did he, in renewing the most hated of

On Gladstone's passion for economy taxes, run about anxiously feeling the

we shall have something to say prespulse of public opinion? On the contrary, he grappled with the facts with

ently. Here we revert to the considerinfinite labor-and half his genius was

ation of his more general characterislabor; he built up a great plan; he tics. Apart altogther from politics, he

was a deeply-read theologian, albeit of world at large has scarcely heard a a rather belated type; an ecclesiastical word. Let us add that his private thinker of large outlook, though curi- charities and benefactions, known only ously out of touch with the movement to himself, amounted to upwards of of the modern world; a ripe scholar, 70,0001, between 1831 and 1890, and though no scientific humanist; an ar- that before his death a sum of over dent lover of letters, who had formed 13,0001. more was added to the total; his taste on Homer and Dante, and and, to complete the chapter of Mr. wbo, though he read vastly, seldom Gladstone's dealings with his own conread without purpose and profit. He science out of the sight of men and was also a vigorous and versatile even in defiance of all worldly opinion, writer on many topics, as none know let us quote Mr. Morley's account of better than the conductors of this Re- the life-long mission of mercy which view. Though his occasional writings has so often been used to sully his were of very unequal power and felic- personal repute in the loose and irreity, yet they occasionally rise almost sponsible gossip of the town. to the level of his own consummate oratory. Withal he was a most pains- On his first entry upon the field of taking, indefatigable, and intrepid man responsible life, he had formed a seriof business, as is shown by the story,

ous and solemn engagement with a

friend-I suppose it was Hope-Scotthitherto known to few, which is told

that each would devote himself to by Mr. Morley in his chapter on the active service in some branch of reHawarden estate.

ligious work. He could not, without In connection with this subject, it

treason to his gifts, go forth like Selmust suffice to say that he found the

wyn or Patteson to Melanesia to con

vert the savages. He sought a misestate deeply and almost hopelessly

sionary field at home, and he found it encumbered by hazardous and unsuc

among the unfortunate ministers to cessful mining and manufacturing "the great sin of great cities.” In these operations affecting an outlying portion humane efforts at reclamation he perof it in Staffordshire. The whole es- severed all through his life, fearless of tate was in consequence burdened with

misconstruction, fearless of the levity

or baseness of men's tongues, regarda charge of 250,0001., leaving its bene

less almost of the possible mischiefs ficial owner, Sir Stephen Glynne, with

to the public policies that depended on no margin to live upon. Mr. Gladstone him. Greville tells the story how, in was, by the terms of his marriage set- 1853, a man made an attempt one night tlement, implicated in the catastrophe,

to extort money from Mr. Gladstone,

then in office as Chancellor of the Exand for five years at least he “threw

chequer, by threats of exposure; and himself with the whole weight of his

how he instantly gave the offender into untiring energy and force into this far

custody, and met the case at the police spreading entanglement." The Ha- office. Greville could not complete the warden estate was cleared in the end, story. The man was committed for but not without great sacrifices, nor

trial. Mr. Gladstone directed his so

licitors to see that the accused was without his pledging his own fortune

properly defended. He was convicted on it to the extent of no less than

and sent to prison. By and by Mr. 267,0001. Yet of all this immense labor Gladstone inquired from the governor and sustained personal sacrifice the of the prison how the delinquent was

13r. Morley refers to some of his political at a later period in his career. contributions to the Quarterly Review made at were reprinted in his "Gleanings." They are a time when his political views were in sym- not without biographical value as showing the pathy with ours; but he was a not infrequent bent of his mind and thought. contributor of articles, DOD-political 1o character,

Some of these

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