are explicit and oft-repeated. He does not attempt to deceive us. He affords us no excuse to deceive ourselves. He can not voluntarily re-accept the Union, we can not voluntarily yield it. Between him and us the issue is distinct, simple and inflexible. It is an issue which can only be tried by war, and decided by victory. If we yield, we are beaten; if the southern people fail him, he is beaten. Either way, it would be the victory and defeat following war. What is true, however, of him who heads the insurgent cause is not necessarily true of those who follow. Although he can not re-accept the Union, they can; some of them, we know, already desire peace and reunion. The number of such may increase. They can at any moment have peace simply by laying down their arms and submitting to the national authority under the Constitution. After so much, the government could not, if it would, maintain war against them. The loyal people would not sustain or allow it. If questions should remain, we would adjust them by the peaceful means of legislation, conference, courts, and votes, operating only in constitutional and lawful channels. Some certain, and other possible, questions are, and, would be, beyond the executive power to adjust, as, for instance, the admission of members into Congress, and whatever might require the appropriation of money. The executive power itself would be greatly diminished by the cessation of actual war. Pardons and remissions of forfeitures, however, would still be within executive control. In what spirit and temper this control would be exercised can be fairly judged of by the past. A year ago general pardon and amnesty, upon specified terms, were offered to all, except certain designated classes, and it was, at the same time made known that the excepted classes were still within contemplation of special clemency. During the year, many availed themselves of the general provision, and many more would, only that the signs of bad faith in some, led to such precautionary measures as rendered the practical process less easy and certain. During the same time also special pardons have been granted to individuals of the excepted classes, and no voluntary application has been denied. Thus, practically, the door has been, for a full year, open to all, except such as were not in condition to make free choice-that is, such as were in custody or under constraint. It is still so open to all. But the time may come-probably will come when public duty shall demand that it be closed; and that, in lieu, more rigorous measures than heretofore shall be adopted. In presenting the abandonment of armed resistance. to the national authority on the part of the insurgents as the only indispensable condition to ending the war, on the part of the government, I retract nothing heretofore said as to slavery. I repeat the declaration made a year ago, that, "while I remain in my present position I shall not attempt to retract or modify the emancipation proclamation, nor shall I return to slavery any person who is free by the terms. of that proclamation, or by any of the acts of Congress." If the people should, by whatever mode or means, make it an executive duty to re-enslave such persons, another, and not I, must be their instrument to perform it. In stating a single condition of peace, I mean simply to say that the war will cease or the part of the government whenever it shall have ceased on the part of those who began it. A. LINCOLN. December 6, 1864. PRESIDENT LINCOLN TO COL. EDMUND D. TAYLOR, OF CHICAGO, ILL., DECEMBER, 1864. My Dear Colonel Dick:-I have long determined to make public the origin of the greenback, and tell the world that it is one of Dick Taylor's creations. You have always been friendly to me, and when troublous times fell upon us, and my shoulders, though broad and willing, were weak, and myself surrounded by such circumstances and such people that I knew not whom to trust, then I said in my extremity, "I will send for Colonel Taylor; he will know what to do." I think it was in January, 1862, on or about the 16th, that I did so. You came, and I said to you, "What can we do?" Said you, "Why, issue treasury notes bearing no interest, printed on the best banking paper. Issue enough to pay off the army expenses, and declare it legal tender." Chase thought it a hazardous thing, but we finally accomplished it, and gave to the people of this Republic the greatest blessing they ever had their own paper to pay their own debts. It is due to you, the father of the present green. back, that the people should know it, and I take great pleasure in making it known. How many times have I laughed at you telling me plainly that I was too lazy to be any thing but a lawyer. Yours truly, A. LINCOLN, President. To GENERAL SHERMAN. Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C., Dec. 26, 1864. My Dear General Sherman :-Many, many thanks for your Christmas gift, the capture of Savannah. When you were about to leave Atlanta for the Atlantic coast, I was anxious, if not fearful; but, feeling that you were the better judge, and remembering that nothing risked nothing gained, I did not interfere. Now, the undertaking being a success, the honor is all yours, for I believe none of us went further than to acquiesce. And, taking the work of General Thomas into the account, as it should be taken, it is indeed a great success. Not only does it afford the obvious and immediate military advantages, but in showing to the world that your army could be divided, putting the stronger part to an important new service, and yet having enough to vanquish the old opposing forces of the whole-Hood's army—it brings those who sat in darkness to see great light. Please make my grateful acknowledgment to your whole army, officers and men. Yours, very truly, To DR. JOHN MACLEAN. A. LINCOLN. Executive Mansion, Washington, Dec. 27, 1864. My Dear Sir:-I have the honor to acknowledge the reception of your note of the 20th of December, conveying the announcement that the trustees of the College of New Jersey had conferred upon me the degree of Doctor of Laws. The assurance conveyed by this high compliment that the course of the government which I represent has received the approval of a body of gentlemen of such character and intelligence, in this time of public trial, is most grateful to me. Thoughtful men must feel that the fate of civilization upon the continent is involved in the issue of our contest. Among the most gratifying proofs of this conviction is the hearty devotion every-where exhibited by our schools and colleges to the national cause. I am most thankful if my labors have seemed to conduce to the preservation of those institutions under which alone we can expect good government, and in its train sound learning and the progress of the liberal arts. I am, sir, very truly, Your obedient servant, UPON PRESENTING TO THE PRESIDENT A VASE OF SKELETON LEAVES GATHERED ON THE BATTLE FIELD OF GETTYSBURG, JANUARY 24, 1865, THE PRESIDENT SAID: Reverend Sir, and Ladies and Gentlemen:-I accept with emotions of profoundest gratitude the beautiful gift you have been pleased to present to me. You will, of course, expect that I acknowledge it. So much has been said about Gettysburg, and so well, that for me to attempt to say more may perhaps only |