I may add, that in this purpose to save the country and its liberties no classes of people seem so nearly unanimous as the soldiers in the field and the seamen afloat. Do they not have the hardest of it? Who should quail while they do not? God bless the soldiers and seamen, with all their brave command

ers.

REPLY TO THE PROTEST OF TENNESSEE, OCTOBER 22, 1864.

At the time these papers were presented, as before stated, I had never seen either of them, nor heard of the subject to which they relate, except in a general way, only one day previously. Up to the present moment nothing whatever has passed between Governor Johnson or any one else connected with the proclamation and myself. Since receiving the papers, as stated, I have given the subject such brief consideration as I have been able to do in the midst of so many pressing public duties.

My conclusion is, that I have nothing to do with the matter, either to sustain the plan as the convention and Governor Johnson have initiated it, or to revoke or modify it as you demand. By the Constitution and laws the President is charged with no duty in the conduct of a presidential election in any state; nor do I in this case perceive any military reasons for his interference in the matter.

The movement set on foot by the convention and Governor Johnson does not, as seems to be assumed by you, emanate from the national executive. In no proper sense can it be considered other than as an

independent movement of at least a portion of the loyal people of Tennessee.

I do not perceive in the plan any menace of violence or coercion toward any one. Governor Johnson, like any other loyal citizen of Tennessee, has the right to favor any political plan he chooses, and as military governor it is his duty to keep the peace among and for the loyal people of the state.

more.

Do as

I can not discern that by this plan he proposes any But you object to the plan. Leaving it alone will be your perfect security against it. you please on your own account, peacefully and loyally, and Governor Johnson will not molest you, but will protect you against violence so far as in his power.

I presume that the conducting of a presidential election in Tennessee in strict accordance with the old code of the state is not now a possibility.

It is scarcely necessary to add that if any election shall be held, and any votes shall be cast in the State of Tennessee for President and Vice-President of the United States, it will belong, not to the military agents, nor yet to the executive department, but exclusively to another department of the government, to determine whether they are entitled to be counted, in conformity with the Constitution and laws of the United States.

Except it be to give protection against violence, I decline to interfere in any way with any presidential election. ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

To GENERAL SHERIDAN.

Executive Mansion, Washington, October 22, 1864. With great pleasure I tender to you and your brave army, the thanks of the nation and my own personal admiration and gratitude for the month's operations in the Shenandoah Valley, and especially for the splendid work of October 19th.

Your obedient servant,

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

SPEECH AT A SERANADE BY A CLUB OF PENNSYLVANIANS THE NIGHT OF THE ELECTION, NOVEMBER 9, 1864. Friends and Fellow-Citizens:-Even before I had been informed by you that the compliment was paid me by loyal citizens of Pennsylvania friendly to me, I had inferred that you were that portion of my countrymen who think that the best interests of the nation are to be subserved by the support of the present administration. I do not pretend to say that you who think so embrace all the patriotism and loyalty of the country. But I do believe, and I trust without personal interest, that the welfare of the whole conntry does require that such support and indorsement be given.

I earnestly believe that the consequences of this day's work, if it be as you assure me, and as now seems probable, will be to the lasting advantage if not to the very salvation of the country.

I can not at this hour say what has been the result of the election, but whatever it may have been, and I have no desire to modify this opinion, that all who have labored to-day in behalf of the Union

organization have wrought for the best interests of the country and the world, not only for the present, but for all future ages.

I am thankful to God for the approval of the people. But while deeply grateful for this mark of their confidence in me, if I know my heart, my gratitude is free from any taint of personal triumph.

I do not impugn the motives of any one opposed to me. It is no pleasure to me to triumph over any one, but I give thanks to the Almighty for the evidences of the people's resolution to stand by free government and the right of humanity.

RESPONSE TO A SERANADE BY THE VARIOUS LINCOLN AND JOHNSON CLUBS OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, NoVEMBER 10, 1864.

It has long been a grave question whether any government, not too strong for the liberties of its people, can be strong enough to maintain its existence in great emergencies.

On this point the present rebellion brought our government to a severe test, and a presidential election occurring in a regular course during the rebellion, added not a little to the strain.

If the loyal people united were put to the utmost of their strength by the rebellion, must they not fail when divided and partially paralized by a political war among themselves? But the election was a necessity. We can not have free government without elections; and if the rebellion could force us to forego or postpone a national election, it might fairly claim to have already conquered and ruined us.

The strife of the election is but human nature prac. tically applied to the facts of the case. What has occurred in this case must ever recur in similar cases. Human nature will not change. In the future great national trial compared with the men of this, we will have as weak and as strong, as silly and as wise, as bad and as good. Let us, therefore, study the incidents of this as philosophy to learn wisdom from, and none of them as wrongs to be revenged.

But the election, along with its incidental and undesirable strife, has done good too.

It has demonstrated that a people's government can sustain a national election in the midst of a great civil war. Until now, it has not been known to the world that this was a possibility. It shows, also, how sound and strong we still are. It shows that even among the candidates of the same party, he who is most devoted to the Union and most opposed to treason can receive most of the people's votes.

It shows, also, to the extent yet known, that we have more men now than we had when the war begun. Gold is good in its place; but living, brave and patriotic men are better than gold. But the rebellion continues, and, now that the election is over, may not all have a common interest to re-unite in a common effort to save our common country? For my own part, I have striven and shall strive to avoid placing any obstacle in the way.

So long as I have been here, I have not willingly planted a thorn in any man's bosom. While I am duly sensible to the high compliment of a re-election, and duly grateful, as I trust, to Almighty God,