had with it during the day either at Martinsburg or Harper's Ferry. At 7 P. M. we also lost communication with Martinsburg. The enemy had also appeared there some hours before. At nine P. M. Harper's Ferry said the enemy was also reported at Berryville and Smithfield. If I could know that, and Ewell moved in that direction so long ago as you stated in your last, then I should feel sure that Winchester is strongly invested. It is quite certain that a considerable force of the enemy is thereabout, and I fear it is an overwhelming one compared with Milroy's. I am unable to give any more certain opinion. A. LINCOLN.

A PROCLAMATION BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

War Department, June 15, 1863.

Whereas, the armed insurrectionary combinations now existing in several of the states are threatening to make inroads into the states of Maryland, West Virginia, Pennsylvania, and Ohio, requiring immediately an additional force for the service of the United States,

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, and commander-in-chief of the army and navy thereof, and of the militia of the several states when called into actual service, do hereby call into the service of the United States 100,000 militia from the states following, namely: From the State of Maryland, 10,000; from the State of Pennsylvania, 50,000; from the State of Ohio, 30,000; from the State of West Virginia, 10,000, to be mus

tered into the service of the United States forthwith, and to serve for the period of six months from the date of such muster into said service, unless sooner discharged; to be mustered in as infantry, artillery, and cavalry, in proportions which will be made known through the War Department, which department will also designate the several places of rendezvous. These militia to be organized according to the rules and regulations of the volunteer service, and such orders as may hereafter be issued. The states aforesaid will be respectively under the enrollment act for the militia service rendered under this proclamation.

In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.

Done at the City of Washington, this fifteenth day of June, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-seventh. A. LINCOLN.

TO MAJOR-GENERAL HOOKER.

Washington, June 16, 1863, 10 A. M. To remove all misunderstanding, I now place you in the strict military relation to General Halleck of a commander of one of the armies to the general-inchief of all the armies.

I have not intended differently, but, as it seems to be differently understood, I shall direct him to give you orders and you to obey them. A. LINCOLN.

To HON. J. K. MOOREHEAD, PITTSBURG, PA.

Washington, June 18, 1863, 10:40 A. M.

If General Brooks, now in command at Pittsburg, finds any person or persons injuriously affecting his military operations, he is authorized to arrest him or them at once, if the case is urgent. If not urgent, let him communicate the particulars to me. General Brooks is the man to now manage the matter at Pittsburg. Please show this to him.

A. LINCOLN.

To GENERAL JOHN M. SCHOFIELD.

Executive Mansion, Washington, June 22, 1863. My Dear Sir:-Your dispatch, asking in substance whether, in case Missouri shall adopt gradual emancipation, the General Government will protect slave owners in that species of property during the short time it shall be permitted by the state to exist within it, has been received. Desirous as I am that emancipation shall be adopted by Missouri, and believing as I do that gradual can be made better than immediate for both black and white, except when military necessity changes the case, my impulse is to say that such protection would be given. I can not know exactly what shape an act of emancipation may take. If the period from the initiation to the final end should be comparatively short, and the act should prevent persons being sold during that period into more lasting slavery, the whole would be easier.

I do not wish to pledge the general government to the affirmative support of even temporary slavery

beyond what can be fairly claimed under the Constitution.

I suppose, however, this is not desired, but that it is desired for the military force of the United States, while in Missouri, to not be used in subverting the temporarily reserved legal rights in slaves during the progress of emancipation. This I would desire also. I have very earnestly urged the slave states to adopt emancipation; and it ought to be, and is, an object with me not to overthrow or thwart what any of them may, in good faith, do to that end. You are, therefore, authorized to act in the spirit of this letter in conjunction with what may appear to be the military necessities of your department.

Although this letter will become public at some time, it is not intended to be made so now.

THE PRESIDENT'S ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE SUCCESS OF THE ARMY OF THE POTOMAC.

July 4, 1863.

The President announces to the country that news from the Army of the Potomac, up to ten P. M. of the 3d, is such as to cover that army with the highest honor; to promise a great success to the cause of the Union, and to claim the condolence of all for the many gallant fallen; and that for this, he especially desires that on this day He whose will, not ours, should ever be done, be every-where remembered and reverenced with the profoundest gratitude.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

RESPONSE TO A SERENADE, JULY, 1863.

Fellow-citizens:-I am very glad indeed to see you to-night, and yet I will not say I thank you for this call; but I do most sincerely thank Almighty God for the occasion on which you have called. How long ago is it eighty odd years since on the Fourth of July, for the first time in the history of the world, a nation, by its representatives, assembled and declared as a self-evident truth that "all men are created equal." That was the birthday of the United States of America. Since then the Fourth of July has had several very peculiar recognitions. The two men most distinguished in the framing and the support of the declaration were Thomas Jefferson and John Adams-the one having penned it, and the other sustained it the most forcibly in debate-the only two of the fifty-five who signed it, and were elected President of the United States. Precisely fifty years after they put their hands to the paper, it pleased Almighty God to take both from this stage of action. This was indeed an extraordinary and remarkable event in our history. Another President, five years after, was called from this stage of existence on the same day and month of the year; and now on this last Fourth of July, just passed, when we have a gigantic rebellion, at the bottom of which is an effort to overthrow the principle that all men were created equal, we have the surrender of a most powerful position and army on that very day. And not only so, but in a succession of battles in