were remarkable.. He could, upon occasion, rise to the most sublime flight of eloquence.

His little introductory speech at the Gettysburg Cemetery dedication will outlive the elaborate and eloquent oration delivered by Mr. Everett on the same day.

I am indebted to J. C. Power, of Springfield, Ill., author of the "History of the Attempt to Steal the Body of Lincoln," for the use of the plates of the two views of the "Lincoln Monument."

Excavation for the monument commenced September 9, 1869. It is built of granite from quarries at Biddeford, Maine. The rough ashlars were shipped to Quincy, Mass., where they were dressed to perfect ashlars and numbered, thence shipped by railroad to Springfield. It is 72 feet from east to west, 119 feet from north to south, and 100 feet high. The total cost is about $230,000, to May 1, 1888. All the statuary is orange-colored bronze. The whole monument was designed by Larkin G. Mead, the statuary was modeled in plaster by him in Florence, Italy, and cast by the Ames Manufacturing Co., of Chicopee, Mass. The statue of Lincoln and coat of arms were first placed on the monument; the statue was unveiled and the monument dedicated October 15, 1874. The infantry and naval groups were put on in September, 1877, the artillery group, April 13, 1882, and the cavalry group, March 13, 1883.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S

PEN AND VOICE.

MR. LINCOLN'S VERBAL REPLY TO COMMITTEE NOTIFYING HIM OF HIS NOMINATION TO THe Presidency.

At Springfield, Ill., May 18, 1860.

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Committee:I tender to you, and through you to the Republican National Convention, and all the people represented in it, my profoundest thanks for the high honor done. me, which you now formally announce.

Deeply, and even painfully sensible of the great responsibility which is inseparable from the high honor, a responsibility which I could almost wish had fallen upon some one of the far more eminent men and experienced statesmen whose distinguished names were before the convention, I shall, by your leave, consider more fully the resolutions of the convention, denominated the platform, and without any unnecessary or unreasonable delay, report to you, Mr. Chairman, in writing, not doubting that the platform will be found satisfactory, and the nomination gratefully accepted. And now I will no longer defer the pleasure of taking you, and each of you, by the hand.

Springfield, Ill., May 23, 1860. Sir-I accept the nomination tendered me by the convention over which you presided, of which I am formally appraised in a letter of yourself and others acting as a committee of the convention for that purpose.

The declaration of principles and sentiments which accompanies your letter meets my approval, and it shall be my care not to violate it, or disregard it in any part. Imploring the assistance of Divine Providence, and with due regard to the views and feelings of all who were represented in the convention, to the rights of all the states and territories and people of the nation, to the inviolability of the constitution, and the perpetual union, harmony, and prosperity of all; I am most happy to co-operate for the practical success of the principles declared by the convention.. Your obliged friend and fellow-citizen,

ABRAHAM LINCOLN. HON. GEORGE ASHMUN, Prest. Republican Convention.

Springfield, Ill., August 15, 1860.

My Dear Sir:-Yours of the 9th, enclosing the letter of Hon. John Minor Botts, was duly received. The latter is herewith returned according to your request. It contains one of the many assurances I receive from the South, that in no probable event will there be any very formidable effort to break up the Union. The people of the South have too much of good sense and good temper to attempt the ruin of the government rather than see it administered as it

was administered by the men who made it. At least, so I hope and believe.

I thank you both for your own letter and a sight of

that of Mr. Botts.

JOHN B. FRY, ESQ.

Yours very truly,

A. LINCOLN.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN TO THURLOW WEED.

Springfield, Ill., August 17, 1860.

My Dear Sir:-Yours of the 13th was received this morning. Douglas is managing the Bell element with great adroitness. He had his men in Kentucky to vote for the Bell candidate, producing a result which has badly alarmed and damaged Breckenridge, and at the same time has induced the Bell men to suppose that Bell will certainly be President, if they can keep a few of the northern states away from us by throwing them to Douglas. But you, better than I, can understand all this.

I think there will be the most extraordinary effort ever made to carry New York for Douglas.

You and all others who write me from your state think the effort can not succeed, and I hope you are right. Still it will require close watching and great efforts on the other side. Herewith I send you a copy of a letter written at New York, which sufficiently explains itself, and which may or may not give you a valuable hint. You have seen that Bell tickets have been put on the track both here and in Indiana. In both cases the object has been, I think, the same as the Hunt movement in New York-to throw states to Douglas.

In our state we know the thing is engineered by

Douglas men, and we do not believe they can make a Yours very truly,

great deal out of it.

A. LINCOLN.

THE PRESIDENT ELECT TO THURLOW WEED.

Springfield, Ill., December 17, 1860. My Dear Sir:-Yours of the eleventh was received two days ago. Should the convention of governors of which you speak seem desirous to know my views on the present aspect of things, tell them you judge from my speeches that I will be inflexible on the territorial question; that I probably think either the Missouri line extended, or Douglas's or Eli Thayer's popular sovereignty would lose us every thing we gain by the election; that filibustering for all the South of us, and making slave states of it would follow, in spite of us in either case; also, that I probably think all opposition, real and apparent, to the fugitive slave clause of the constitution ought to be withdrawn.

I believe you can pretend to find but little, if any thing, in my speeches, about secession. But my opinion is that no state can in any way lawfully get out of the Union without the consent of the others; and that it is the duty of the president and other government functionaries to run the machine as it is. A. LINCOLN.

Truly yours,

INTERVIEW PUBLISHED IN NEW YORK TRIBUNE, JANUARY 30, 1861.

I will suffer death before I will consent or advise my friends to consent to any concession or compro