to perceive the principles which influence their growth, in different regions of the country. The late census will furnish facts, when fully brought out, calculated to sustain the opinion that we have heretofore expressed in connection with other subjects, that, the great cities of this country will ultimately be found in the central region between the lakes and the Gulf of Mexico. Philadelphia has gained on New York within the last ten years; and Boston, notwithstanding her railroad connection with the West, and other improvements, has increased in population at the rate of only about 46 per cent while the increase of Philadelphia has been about 80. Portland, Maine, shows an increase of about 33 per cent. A similar difference, though perhaps not so great, is observable between the northern and southern parts of Ohio. Baltimore has also gained on the city of New York; or, in other words, shows a higher rate of increase. Lowel, Mass., and Richmond, Va., have increased in nearly an equal ratio, about 50 per cent in ten years.

But the principle is more strikingly developed west of the Alleghany mountains. Pittsburg shows an increase of over 300 per cent; Cincinnati an increase of about 150 per cent; Louisville of nearly 100 per cent, and St. Louis of about 400 per cent. While the increase of New Orleans is set down at about 45 per cent; which is far below the rate of increase of any other city in the Union of equal magnitude.

These facts are not the result of accidental causes; but natural developments of a law of commerce emanating from the geographical relations, and the mineral and vegetable productions of the eastern and southern slopes of the continent, considered under one view. The centre of population between the northern and southern extremes will range with the vallies of the Ohio and Missouri rivers; following, perhaps, a southern tributary of the latter after proceeding beyond the western boundary of Missouri. The region through which this line passes is not only capable of producing a much greater variety and quantity of food to the square mile than either the northern or southern divisions, but is also more abundant in coal and iron than any other region of equal extent perhaps on the globe. The southern and northern divisions are staple growing regions: the first of cotton and sugar: the latter of wheat: and owing to this fact their resources have been more rapidly developed than those of the centre. But staple growing districts soon reach a limit to their products beyond which they cannot advance; and their inhabitants are compelled, in time, to adopt new pursuits, emigrate, or cease to prosper as a community. And hence the population from both extremes will press towards the centre until its resources are developed to their full extent. A movement of this nature is already going on in the State of Ohio. According to the Census of 1840, northern Ohio contained a population of 746,179 and southern Ohio 773,278,: the increase from 1840 to 1850 in the southern part was 37 per cent, while that of the north

was only 23 per cent. But even these figures do not show the relative progress of the several divisions of the State. In an article entitled "General view of the statistics of Ohio and its Towns," published in the Cincinnati Gazette, North Ohio is divided into three sections, denominated the "wheat belt," "western reserve, and "North West:" the wheat belt contained, in 1840, a population of 407,241; in 1850 the same section contained 439,460, an increase of only 8 per cent in ten years. The increase in the civic population of the State, from 1840 to 1850, is set down at 120 per cent; while the towns in the "wheat belt" section show an increase of only 70 per cent. A review of the foregoing facts will convince every individual who will examine them in all their relations, that the central region of the United States is capable of sustaining a more dense population than either the northern or southern divisions, and, that, here, will be built up and established the great producing and commercial cities of the continent.

The effects which a thorough system of railroads is calculated to produce on the growth of cities cannot be estimated with entire certainty at present. But, were we to hazard an opinion on this point, we should say that such a system will be the means of building up and sustaining a larger number of second and third rate cities; while it will prevent the great commercial and producing cities from being as populous, in proportion to their business, as they are at present. The facilities which railroads afford enable many of those whose business is located in cities to reside in the country. Indeed, many of the handy crafts which have been almost entirely confined to cities may be carried on with greater advantages, in small towns, situated on railways, within an hour's travel of the market where their products are to be consumed or distributed. This view is sustained, we think, by the relative increase of the business and population of Boston within the last ten years. We have not seen the official statistics collected by the late census; but there' can be no doubt that the increase of population in Boston is much less, in proportion to the increase of commerce there, than in any of the other larger cities. This may be owing, in part, to the want of room to extend the city; but we conclude that similar results would have taken place had there been no obstacles to the extension of the city limits.

That railroads are calculated to increase the comforts of a city residence is too obvious to be seriously questioned. Through these channels the early fruits and vegetables of the south, the potatoes of the north, the oysters of the gulf, the fish of the lakes and the game of the west, may all be delivered fresh, and at moderate prices, in the markets of our central cities; while many causes of extreme poverty will be removed, by drawing off a portion of those dependent on their labor, to rural vilages, where provisions, rent and fuel can be obtained at less cost.

We regard the rapid growth of American cities as evidence that

a great change is taking place in the pursuits and tastes of the nation; and feel persuaded that this change is calculated to advance the general prosperity of the country.

The growth of our western cities is especially necessary to the full and speedy development of the wealth of this region. It is the surest means of diversifying labor; of introducing new pursuits; and, building up a home market. The growth of these cities will attract capital from the commercial centres of other countries and permanently locate it here, where it will assist in developing our resources instead of making us dependent, as in times past, on foreign countries for many of the common comforts of life.

We do not forget that large cities are nurseries of vice, and, that, there, human nature sinks to the lowest degree in the moral scale; but, they are also the homes of learning; the nurseries of science, and, of the arts that promote the advancement of civilization.

Commercial cities are no less necessary to the advancement of civilization than highways and artificial means of transporting commodities by land and water; a place of deposite is as necessary as the road or the motive power; and we are unwilling to believe that an agent so essential to human progress is necessarily productive of evil.

And hence we are persuaded that the improvements of the age, aided by a well organized system of education and a wise civic government, administered with fidelity, will elevate the moral standard of cities to a degree equal, at least, to that of the country at large. Indeed, the oportunities of both moral and mental improvement are much greater in cities than in rural districts: books and other instruments of education are more accessible; the modes of teaching more varied; and churches more convenient; while objects calculated to suggest thought are continually presented to the senses. Nothing is lacking except a public sentiment that discriminates between vice and virtue, and, admits of no distinction but on the ground of merit.

The rapid growth of cities in the west is interesting in another point of view. It affords evidence that the social principle is gaining strength; and that the character of the people is assuming a new phase. The recent movements in relation to works of internal improvements, manufacturing and mining evince a strong tendancy to social combinations which, if wisely directed, will give a powerful impetus to the development of wealth in this region.

We rejoice that the public mind is becoming awakened to the importance of acting on this principle; for without its adoption progress is impracticable: but a word of caution, against undertaking too much in the beginning, may not be unseasonable.

The means, whether of money or labor, necessary for prosecuting any great work by associations, must be drawn, for a time, from channels where they have been employed by individuals; and if such drafts be large and suddenly made, they lessen the ordinary

facilities of commerce as well as the individual capacity of produ cing; and, as no immediate profits are derived from public works, pecuniary embarrassments may be regarded almost as a certain consequence. No other cause has proved so fatal to social combinations as that of undertaking to achieve too much in a given time. The revulsions which result from such a policy, bring all public enterprises into disrepute; and, generally, it is not until another generation comes upon the stage of action that the spirit of public improvement revives.

We have labored for many years, in common with others, to incite this spirit in the west; and now, when it is awakened, we deem it our duty to do all we can to give it a proper direction. We desire that this spirit should be perpetuated from generation to generation, even to the end of time and we are persuaded that the exercise of prudent forethought and circumspection in projecting our plans of operation for a few years, will prevent the recurrence of such revulsions as have followed the prosecution of almost every great public enterprise that has been undertaken in modern times.

It should be borne in mind, that the power necessary to the achievement of almost every object, is to be measured by time as well as by the instruments to be used in its accomplishment; and should our social enterprises be so planned as to allow a just proportion of time to the means employed for their execution, our undertakings must be crowned with success.

ARTICLE II.

INTEREST ON MONEY.*

As the subject of interest on loans of money is now before the General Assembly, and the members will, in a few days, be called upon to vote and act in relation thereto, I respectfully give my views, and hope they may at least be considered worthy of consideration and reflection.

It is a matter of importance that the laws in relation to interest should be founded upon some known and fixed principles-for un

• We have taken the following article from the columns of the "Jefferson Inquirer;" and give it a place in our Journal for the purpose of preserving it for the benefit of the next general Assembly of Missouri. Our patrons are in possession of our views on the policy of usury laws; and we are gratified that our opinions on this subject are sustained by the distinguished jurist to whom the public is indebted for this able and interesting document.

doubtedly there must be some principle governing this as there is governing all other matters of contract and subjects of trade and

commerce.

Whilst the constitution of the United States, and of every State in the Union, are innovations upon all former systems of government; whilst every statute in our code is an innovation upon ancient laws and usages, whilst almost every thing in America is new, we are still trammeled with old prejudices and the principles upon which old laws are founded, in regard to interest. It is time that every man of good common sense should divest himself of these prejudices, the remains of a barbarous age and monkish superstitions, and endeavor to place upon truc principles the laws concerning interest.

It is not necessary to discuss the principles upon which the ancient English laws were founded, that prohibited interest altogether. But as they were evidently founded upon the same notions as our present laws limiting the rate of interest, I will briefly notice them.

They were absurd and were based partly upon an absurd precept attributed (perhaps erroneously) to Aristotle; "That as money was barren, and did not breed money, it was unlawful to make it breed by allowing interest." But the same might be said of a thousand other things as well as money. Houses are barren and do not breed houses, and therefore it would be unlawful to make them breed by allowing rents. These were the notions of the philosophers. Then the Doctors of Divinity discovered that interest, or as they called it, usury, was prohibited by the Mosaical law, and therefore the taking interest was sinful. But the Mosaical prohibition was clearly a political one, and at most only prohibited Jews from taking interest from Jews, and not very certainly even that; for the language is, "Thou shalt not lend upon usury to thy brother." Deut. XXIII, 20-and it left them free to take as much as they pleased from all others. The whole of this chapter is well worth reading, and if the prohibitions and requirements therein mentioned are to be carried out by the legislature, we will have some curious enactments. It will be seen also, that the 15th verse annuls a very important and useful provision of the constitution of the United States.

These absurd English laws and notions were at length exploded, but the old prejudice, which was at the bottom of them, still remains. They were replaced by others as objectionable in principle. These were the laws prohibiting interest above a certain amount. They were based upon the old prejudice against usury or interest, and upon a notion then (time of Henry the 8th) very common, that the people were incompetent to manage their own affairs, and the legislature was competent to manage them. About the same time many laws were passed regulating the prices of bread and nearly every other commodity, as well as the dress and diet of the people. Penalties were enacted against those who wore piked