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And whereas it is desirable that the Confederate and Macfarland. The aspect of affairs had some States of America shall assume a definite position on
what changed since its adjournment. It was so important a point; now, therefore, be it Resolred, that the Congress of the Confederate
now manifest that serious dangers were beginStates of America accept the second, third, and fourth ning to threaten. The Northern force had clauses of the above-cited declaration, and decline to gathered, and was organized and disciplined for assent to the first clause thereof.
desperate work. South Carolina had been inThe prohibition of the exportation of cotton, vaded. North Carolina and Louisiana would except through Confederate ports, was extended soon be threatened. Still there were no fears by Congress to embrace rice, sugar, molasses, of the ultimate ability of the Confederacy to and sirups.
repel all invaders. The number of acts of genAn act was also passed for the sequestration eral importance passed at this session was limof all Northern property found in the State. ited. One was adopted admitting Kentucky The principal clause of the act was as follows: into the Union of Confederate States.
Be it_enacted by the Congress of the Confederate A Message from President Davis was also States, That all
and every the lands, tenements, and laid before Congress, relative to the secession hereditaments, goods and chattels, rights and credits of Missouri. It was accompanied by a letter within these Confederate States, and every right and interest therein beld, owned, possessed, or enjoyed by from Governor Jackson, and also by an act disor for any alien enemy since the twenty-first day of solving the Union with the United States, and May, 1861, except such debts due to an alien enemy an act ratifying the Constitution of the Provi. as may hare been paid into the Treasury of any one of sional Government of the Confederate States; the Confederate States prior to the passage of this law, be and the same are bereby sequestrated by the also, the Convention between
the Commission Confederate States of America, and shall be held for
ers of Missouri and the Commissioners of the the full indemnity of any true and loyal citizen, a Confederate States. This Convention was resident of these Confederate States, or other person made on the part of the Confederate States, by aiding said Confederate States in the prosecution of R. M. T. Hunter, Secretary of State, and was the present war between said Confederate States and unanimously
ratified by Congress. On the next the United States of America, and for which he may suffer any loss or injury under the act of the United day an act was passed, admitting Missouri as States to which this act is retaliatory, or under any a member of the Confederacy. At the same other act of the United States, or of any State thereof, time a resolution was adopted, refusing to make authorizing the seizure or confiscation of the property any advance to, or to purchase the produce of of citizens or residents of the Confederate States, or other person aiding said Confederate States, and the planters, and surprise was expressed that such same shall be seized and disposed of as provided for in applications should be made. this act: Provided, however, when the estate, prop- An act was also passed to increase the naval erty, or rights to be affected by this act were or are within some State of this Confederacy, which has bee force and to enlist not more than two thousand come such since said twenty-first day of May, then this
A resolution was passed appropriatact shall operate upon and as to such estate, property, ing $250,000 as an advance, on account of any or rights, and all persons claiming the same from and claims of the State of South Carolina upon the after the day such State became a member of this Con- Confederate States. A large number of nomi. federacy, and not before : Provided, further. That the nations, as major and brigadier-generals, was provisions of this act shall not extend to the stocks or other public securities of the Confederate Government, also confirmed. or of any of the States of this Confederacy, beld or About $60,000,000 were appropriated for the owned by an alien enemy, or to any debt, obligation, army, and about $4,000,000 for the navy. The or sum due from the Confederate Government or any provisions of the naturalization act were exof the States to such alien enemy; And provided, also, That the provisions of this act shall not embrace the tended to all persons not citizens of the Conproperty of citizens or residents of either of the States federate States, who were engaged in the naval of Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, Missouri, or the service of the Confederate States during the District of Columbia, or the Territories of New Mexico, Arizona, or the Indian Territory south of Kansas, ex
Postmasters were required to receive cept such of said citizens or residents as shall commit Treasury notes in the sums of five dollars and actual bostilities against the Confederate States, or aid upwards, in payment of postage stamps and or abet the United States in the existing war against stamped envelopes. Confederate States.
On the appointment of Attorney-General BenSections 2 to 13 provide for the appointment jainin, as Secretary of War, Thomas Bragg, of of receivers in each county, and impose a pen- North Carolina, was appointed to the vacancy. alty of $2,000 on all who may endeavor to con- All important matters relating to the war, ceal the ownership of property belonging to finance, foreign relations, and many domestic alien enemies. Section 14 provides for the ap- measures were discussed in secret sessions, at pointment of three commissioners to take charge which no persons were admitted but the reguof the sequestration fund, and to hear and de- lar members of that body and its officers. cide on all claims against it.
It presented to the world the first example This session was short, and devoted almost of a public body, which claimed to represent exclasively to military and financial subjects, the people of a country, and to be acting by (see CONFEDERATE STATEs, also FINANCES, U. S.,) their authority and in their behalf, sitting with and closed by an adjournment to the 18th of closed doors and withholding all its important November. On that day Congress again reas- transactions from their knowledge. Such a sembled at Richmond. The members present flagrant outage upon representative institutions from Virginia were Messrs. W. B. Preston, Tyler, can find no justification with freemen.
CONGRESS, THE U. 8. The second session accident, and he be powerless; but I assert of the thirty-sixth Congress commenced at that the President elect has been elected because Washington on Monday, December 3, 1860.* he was known to be a dangerous man. He avows
In the Senate the difficulties of the country the principle that is known as the “irrepres. attracted immediate attention.
sible conflict.” He declares that it is the purMr. Clingman, of North Carolina, on making pose of the North to make war upon my section the usual motion for printing the President's until its social system has been destroyed, and message, (for Message see Public Documents,) for that he was taken up and elected. That said :
declaration of war is dangerous, because it bas “ As to the general tone of the message, Mr. been indorsed by a majority of the votes of the President, everybody, will say that it is emi. free States in the late election. It is this great, nently patriotic, and I agree with a great deal remarkable, and dangerous fact that has filled that is in it; but I think it falls short of stating my section with alarm and dread for the future. the case that is now before the country. It is ** The President says that he may be powerless not, for example, merely that a dangerous man by reason of the opposition in Congress pow; has been elected to the Presidency of the but that is only a temporary relief. Every. United States. We know that under our com- body knows that the majority which has borde plicated system that might very well occur by him into the chair can control all the departments of this Government. Why, sir, five or Nor is that the cause of complaint in the coun. six of our conservative Sepators have already try; but it is the principles upon which the to give place to others on the 4th of March; late election has taken place that have given and if the others do not, it is simply because rise to the trouble. Never in any previous their terms have not expired. Both the Sena- presidential election has the issue been so fully tors from Indiana and the Senator from Illinois, put, so directly made, as in the late one. The Mr. Douglas,) and other gentlemen, would be question everywhere was: shall the equality beaten by that same majority, if it were not of the States be maintained ; shall the people that their terms have time to run. They must, of every State have a right to go into the comhowever, be cut down at no distant day. Not mon territory with their property? And the only that; but if the House of Representatives verdict of the people has been that equality in is divided to some little extent, how long can this country shall not prevail. It is to the it be so? We all know that New England has effect that fifteen States of this Union shall be presented an unbroken front for some time deprived of equality; that they shall not go past; and does any man doubt that the same into the common territory with their property; organization that elected Abrabam Lincoln can that they are inferiors, and must submit to in. make a clear majority of both branches of Con- equality and degradation. Then, sir, with such gress? The efforts of the Abolitionists will be a state of facts before us, is it strange that there directed to the few doubtful districts, and they should be dissatisfaction and trouble ? will soon be subjected to their control. So “Mr. President, it is not the election of Mr. powerful and steady is the current of their Lincoln that is troubling the country, as I said progress that it will soon overwhelm the entire before, but that he is regarded as a dangerous North. In this way they must soon control man;' that he entertains views and opinions the President, both Houses of Congress, the as expressed by himself, which are dangerous Supreme Court, and all the officers of the Gove to the peace, safety, and prosperity of fifteen ernment. The result is that a sectional party States of this Confederacy. He is an 'irrewill wield the entire power over all the depart. pressible conflict' man; "he holds that the ments of the Government.
• The members of the Senate were as follows. From the New Jersey.-- John T. Nixon, John L N. Stratton, Ger State of
nett B. Adrain, Jetur R. Riggs.
Pennsylrania.-Thomas R. Florence, Edward Jor MOTT, Maine.--Ilannibal Hamlin and William Pitt Fessenden.
John P. Verree, John Wood, John Hickman, Henry C Nero Ilampshire.-John P. Hale and Daniel Clark.
Longnecker, Thaddeus Stevens, John W. Killinger, JÁNA* Vermont-Solomon Footo and Jacob Collamer.
H. Campbell, Galusha A. Grow, Jacob K. McKenty, Jasna Massachusetts.-Henry Wilson and Charles Sumner.
T. Hale, Benjamin F. Junkin, Edward McPberseth, Sacred Rhode Island.--Jas. F. Simmons and Henry B. Anthony. 8. Blair, John Covode, James K. Moorhead, Robert McConnecticut.-Lafayette S. Foster and James Dixon.
Knight, 'William Stewart, Chapin Hall, Elijah Babbitt New York. - William H. Seward and Preston King.
Delaware.-William G. Whiteley. New Jersey.-John R. Thomson and John C. Ten Eyck.
Maryland.-James A. Stewart, J. Morrison Harris, I Pennsylvania.-Simon Cameron and William Bigler.
Winter Davis, Jacob M. Kunkel, George W. Hugbes, Delaware.-James A. Bayard and Willard Saglsbury. Webster. Maryland. -James A. Pearce and Anthony Kennedy.
Virginia. -John B. Millson, Daniel C. De Jardette, PO Virginia.-Robert M. T. Hunter and James M. Mason.
A. Pryor, Thomas S. Bocock, William Smith, Alexande: L North Carolina. Thomas Bragg and Thos. L. Clingman. Boteler, John T. Harris, Albert G. Jenkins, Henry 4 k4 Georgia.- Robert Toombs and Alfred Iverson.
mundson, Elbert S. Martin. Alabamı,- Benjamin Fitzpatrick and 0. C. Clay, fr. North Carolina.-William N. H. Smith, Thomas Bree Mississippi.- Albert G. Brown and Jefferson Davis.
Warren Winslow, Lawrence O'B. Branch, Joha A. Gimme Tennessee Alfred O. P. Nicholson and Andrew Johnson. James M. Leach, Burton Craige. Kentucky-John J. Crittenden and Lazarns W. Powell.
South Carolina. -John McQueen, Lawrence M. Kort Missouri. James S. Green and Truston Polk.
Milledge L Bonham, John D. Ashmore, William W. Beyor. Ohio.-Benjamin F. Wade and George E. Pugh.
Georgia.-Peter E. Love, Thomas Hardeman, Loc. Indiana. - Jesse D. Bright and Graham N. Fitch.
Gartrell, John W. H. Underwood, James Jackson, Jusba Ninois.-Stephen A. Douglas and Lyman Trumbull.
Hill, John J. Jones, Michigan.-Zachariah Chandler and Kinsley S. Binghamn Alabama.-James L. Pugh. Data Clopton. Ssdentam Florida.-David L. Yulee and S. R. Mallory.
Moore, George S. Houston, Williamson R. 18, Cobb, Jabu Texas.-John Hemphill and Louis T. Wigfall.
L. M. Curry Wisconsin.-Charles Durkee and James R. Doolittle.
Mississippi.-Otho R. Singleton. Iowa.-James W. Grimes and James Harlan.
Louisiana.-John E. Bouligny. Minnesota.-Henry M. Rice and Morton S. Wilkinson.
Ohio.-George II. Pendleton, John A. Gurley, Cement California. -Milton S. Latham and William M. Gwin.
L. Vallandigham, William Allen, James M. Ashley, Wiisa Oregon. Joseph Lane.
Howard, Thomas Corwin, Benjamin Stanton, Joba Cary, Louisiana.-J. P. Benjamin and John Slidell. Arkansa8.-R. W. Johnson and William K. Sebastian.
Carey A. Trimble, Charles D. Martin, Samuel S. COLJE
Sherman, Harrison G. Blake, William Helmick, Cydoor B South Carolina.-Jaines Chesnut, jr., and James H. Harn.
Tompkins, Thomas C. Theaker, Sidney Edgerton, Edd mond had tendered their resiguation to the Governor of that
Wade, John Hutchins, John A. Bingbam. Suatu on the 9th of November, 1560.
Kentucky.--Henry C. Burnett, Sainuel O Peyton 3 cis M. Bristow, William C. Anderson, Green Adams, Lda
T. Moore, John W. Stevenson, John Y. Brown. The members of the House of Representatives were as
Tennessee.-Thomas A. P. Nelson, Horace Mayur follows:
William B. Stokes, Robert Hatton, James H. TSA
James M. Quarles, Emerson Etheridge. William T. ATOTT. Maine.-Danlel E. Somes, John J. Perry, Ezra B. French, Indiana.-William E. Niblack, William H. Ergiul Btephen Coburn, Freeman II. Morse, Israel Washburn, jr., McKee Dunn, William 8. Holman, David Kilgare, I Stephen C. Foster,
G. Porter, Jobn G. Davis, Schuyler Collar, Charles CAM New Hampshire.-Gilman Marston, Mason W. Tappan, John U. Pettit Thomas M. Edwarıls.
Illinois. - Elihn B. Washbume, Owen Lovejoy. law S. Vermont.-E. P. Walton, Justin S. Morrill, Homer E. Morris, John A. McClernand, James C. Robinson, Phip & Boyce.
Fonke, John A. Logan.
John W. Noell.
Connecticul.-Dwight Loomis, John Woodruff, Alfred A. Michigan. - William A. Howard, Francis W. Ketos
De Witt C. Leach. New York.-Luther C. Carter, James Humphreys, Daniel Florida.-George 8. Hawkins E. Sickles, William B. Maclay, John Cochrane, George lorca.-Samuel R. Curtis, William Vandever. Briggs, Horace F. Clark, John B. Haskin, William S. Ken. Wisconsin. - John F. Potter, Cadwalaler C. Wasabans yon, Charles L Beale, John H. Reynolds, James B. McKean, Charles II. Larrabee. George W. Palmer, Francis E. Spinner, Edwin R. Reynolds, California. -John C. Burch. Jsines II. Grahain, Roscoe Conkling, R. Holland Duell, M. Minnesota.-Cyrus Aldrich, William Windoni. Lindley Lee, Charles B. Hoard, Charles B. Sedgwick, Mar. Oregon.-Lansing Stout. tin Butterfield, Emory B. Pottle. Alfred Wells, William Washington.- Isaac I. Stevens. Irvine, Alfred Ely, Augustus Frank, Elbridge G. Spaulding, New Mexico.-Miguel A. Otero. Reuben E. Fenton.
Kansas.-Marcus J. Parrott, Martin F. Conway.
slave States and free States cannot live to“But this is not the worst view of the case. gether. I apprehend the result will be, that We are not only to be governed by a sectional they will not live together.” domination which does not respect our rights, Mr. Hale, of New Hampshire, from the other but by one, the guiding principle of which is side of the Senate, replied: “I think we might hostility to the Southern States. It is that, Mr. as well look this matter right clearly in the President, that has alarmed the country; and face; and I am not going to be long about it is idle for gentlemen to talk to us about this doing it. I think that this state of affairs looks thing being done according to the forms of the to one of two things: it looks to absolute subConstitution.
mission, not on the part of our Southern friends * My purpose was not so much to make a and of the Southern States, but of the North, speech as to state what I think is the great dif- to the abandonment of their position—it looks ficulty; and that is, that a man has been elected to a surrender of that popular sentiment which because he has been and is hostile to the South. has been uttered through the constituted forms It is this that alarms our people ; and I am free of the ballot-box; or it looks to open war. We to say, as I have said on the stump this sum- need not shut our eyes to the fact. It means mer repeatedly, that if that election were not war, and it means nothing else; and the State resisted, either now or at some day not far dis- which has put herself in the attitude of secestant, thé Abolitionists would succeed in abolish- sion so looks upon it. And I avow here~ I do ing slavery all over the South.
not know whether or not I shall be sustained * Therefore I maintain that our true policy is by those who usually act with me,
em if the issue to meet this issue in limine; and I hope it will which is presented is that the constitutional be done. If we can maintain our personal will of the public opinion of this country, ex. safety, let us hold on to the present Govern. pressed through the forms of the Constitution, ment; if not, we must take care of ourselves at will not be submitted to, and war is the alterall hazards. I think this is the feeling that native, let it come in any form or in any shape. prevails in North Carolina."
The Union is dissolved and it cannot be held Mr. Lane, of Oregon, said: “We are all aware, together as a Union, if that is the alternative Mr. President, that there is great dissatisfaction upon which we go into an election. If it is in this country, and a very near approach, un- pre-announced and determined that the voice less something can be done very speedily, to a of the majority expressed through the regular dissolution of the Union. It is not very strange, and constituted forms of the Constitution, will as I look at it, that this condition of things not be submitted to, then, sir, this is not a should exist. It has been truly said that the Union of equals; it is a Union of a dictatorial election of any man to the Presidency would oligarchy on the one side, and a herd of slaveg Dot be good cause for a dissolution of the and cowards on the other. That is it, sir; Union. I am prepared to say that the simple nothing more, nothing less." election of any man to that office, in my judg- Mr. Brown, of Mississippi, said in answer: ment, would not be cause for a dissolution. "All we ask is that we be allowed to depart in peace. Do you mean to say that that is not to on printing the message with these words: “I be allowed us, that we shall neither have peace do not rise for the purpose of protracting this in the Union, nor be allowed the poor boon of unnecessary and most unfortunate debate ; but seeking it out of the Union ? If that be your I rise simply to say in the presence of the repattitude, war is inevitable. We feel as every resentatives of the different States, that my American citizen not blinded by passion and by State having been the first to adopt the Constiprejudice must feel, that in this transaction wo tution, will be the last to do any act or counhave been deeply aggrieved; that the accu- tenance any act calculated to lead to the separmulating wrongs of years have finally culmi- ation of the States of this glorious Union. She Dated in your triumph-not the triumph of has shared too much of its blessings; her peoAbraham Lincoln, not your individual triumph ple performed too much service in achieving --but in the triumph of principles, to submit the glorious liberties which we now enjoy, and to which would be the deepest degradation in establishing the Constitution under which that a free people ever submitted to. We can- we live, to cause any son of hers to raise bis not; calmly, quietly, with all the dignity which hand against those institutions or against that I can summon, I say to you that we will not Union. Sir, when that Union shall be destroyed submit. We invite no war; we expect none, by the madness and folly of others, (if, unforand hope for none.'
tunately, it shall be so destroyed,) it will be Mr. Iverson, of Georgia, still further replied: time enough then for Delaware and her Repre"As the Senator from New Hampshire very sentatives to say what will be her course." properly remarked, it is time to look this thing On a subsequent day Mr. Powell, of Kenin the face. The time is rolling rapidly to the tucky, introduced a resolution respecting the consummation of these great objects; and, in reference of the President's message, which my opinion, there is nothing this side of heaven was changed by amendment to the following that can prevent their consummation. You talk form: about concessions. You talk about repealing Resolved, That so much of the President's message the personal liberty bills as a concession to the as relates to the agitated and distracted condition of South. Repeal them all to-morrow, sir, and it the country, and the grievances between the slarewonld not stop the progress of this revolution. holding and non-slaveholding States, be referred to a
special committee of thirteen members, and that said It is not your personal liberty bills that we
committee be instructed to inquire into the present dread. Those personal liberty bills are obnox- condition of the country, and report by bill or other ious to us not on account of their practical wise. operation, not because they prevent us from Mr. Powell, on offering the resolution, thos reclaiming our fugitive slaves, but as an evi- stated its object: “Mr. President, the object of dence of that deep-seated, wide-spread hostility the resolution under consideration is to initiate to our institutions, which must sooner or later measures to save the country from its present end in this Union in their extinction. That is perilous condition; to avert, if possible, a disthe reason we object to your personal liberty memberment of the Union, and restore peace, bills. It is not because that in their practical . harmony, happiness, and security, to a distractoperation they ever do any harm. But, sir, if ed and divided people. Events are rapidly all the liberty bills were repealed to-day, the crowding upon us which, if not arrested, wiil South would no more gain her fugitive slaves speedily overthrow the Government. The mere than if they were in existence. It is not the anticipation of these sad and melancholy results personal liberty laws; it is mob laws that we has already caused distrust, alarm, and ruin in fear. It is the existence and action of the pub- many parts of the country.” lic sentiment of the Northern States that are Mr. King, of New York, said: “I am not one opposed to this institution of slavery, and are of those who despair of the republic; I believe determined to break it down-to use all the we shall go safely through this crisis, as we power of the Federal Government, as well as have passed through many others that in my every other power in their hands, to bring period of time have been said to exist. If there about its ultimate and speedy extinction. That be any thing that ought to be inquired into, in is what we apprehend, and what in part moves my judginent it is, whether the laws be sufficient us to look for security and protection in seces- to enable the Government to maintain itsell, sion and a Southern Confederacy."
and to enforce its constitutional powers." Mr. Wigfall, of Texas, declared his view of Mr. Douglas, upon the resolution being again this point thus: “We simply say that a man before the Senate, said: “I am ready to act with who is distasteful to us has been elected, and any party, with any individual of any party, we choose to consider that as a sufficient ground who will come to this question with an eye for leaving the Union, and we intend to leave single to the preservation of the ConsAntion the Union. Then, if you desire it, bring us and the Union. I trust we may lay aside all back. When you undertake that, and have ac- party grievances, party feuds, partisan jealous complished it, you may be like the man who ies, and look to our country, and not to our purchased the elephant-you may find it rather party, in the consequences of our action." difficult to decide what you will do with the Mr. Davis, of Mississippi, argued that the animal.”
fault was not in the form of the Government, Mr. Saulsbury, of Delaware, closed the debate por did the evil spring from the manner in
which it had been administered. Where, then, not so much by enacting laws as by repressing was it? It was that our fathers formed a Gov: the spirit of hostility and lawlessness, and seek ernment for a Union of friendly States; and ing to live up to the obligations of good neighthough under it the people have been prosper- bors, and friendly States united for the common ous, beyond comparison with any other whose welfare.' career is recorded in the history of man, still Mr. Green, of Missouri, said: "For me to that Union of friendly States had changed its go on the stump or in this Senate chanıber, character, and sectional hostility had been sub- and denounce one section of the Union, or the stituted for the fraternity in which the Govern- other section of the Union, would do more harm ment was founded. He further said:
than good; but let me appeal to them, and ask “ I do not intend here to enter into a stute- them, as I say to them now, Are you not willing ment of grievances; I do not intend here to re- to grant me the Constitution? Yes. You ask new that war of crimination which for years past me, Do you want any more than the Constituhas disturbed the country, and in which I have tion? No. Then this one point only remains : taken a part perhaps more zealous than useful; If you construe the Constitution one way, and but I call upon all men who have in their I construe it another, let us as brethren put in hearts a love of the Union, and whose service an explanatory amendment, which will remove is not merely that of the lip, to look the ques- the whole difficulty, that we may go on together tion calmly but fully in the face, that they may in harmony and peace hereafter. A rigid ensee the true cause of our danger, which, from forcement of the fugitive slave law, a rigid promy examination, I believe to be that a sectional tection of the States from invasion, and an exhostility has been substituted for a general fra- planatory amendment of the Constitution, deternity, and thus the Government rendered fining the rights on every point where there is powerless for the ends for which it was insti- any dispute, will give us the same old peace we tated. The hearts of a portion of the people had, and we will go on with the same prosperbave been perverted by that hostility, so that ity as we formerly did." • the powers delegated by the compact of union Mr. Dixon, of Connecticut, followed: “In are regarded, not as means to secure the wel- saying that the controversy respecting slavery fare of all, but as instruments for the destruc- is the cause of our present difficulties, I do not tion of a part—the minority section. How, intend to say whether one section of the counthen, have we to provide a remedy? By try is in fault more than another, whether both strengthening this Government ? By institute are equally in fault, or whether the blame is ing physical force to overawe the States—to wholly on one side. Crimination and recrimicoerce the people living under them as mem- nation are now useless--nay, dangerous. If it bers of sovereign communities to pass under be possible, the first thing should be to restore the yoke of the Federal Government? No, the fraternal spirit which once existed, ought sir; I would have this Union severed into to exist, and may still exist. thirty-three fragments sooner than have that “How shall this be done? I know of no other great evil befall constitutional liberty and rep- mode than by cheerfully and honestly assuring resentative government. Our Government is to every section of the country its constitutional an agency of delegated and strictly limited rights. No section professes to ask more; no powers. Its founders did not look to its pres- section ought to offer less. As to what are ervation by force; but the chain they wove to these constitutional rights, that is a question to bind these States together was one of love and be considered in a spirit of confidence and mumutual good offices.
tual good will, and furthermore, in a spirit of “Then where is the remedy ? the question devotion to the Union, for the preservation of may be asked. In the hearts of the people, is which my constituents are ready to make any the ready reply; and therefore it is that I turn sacrifice which a reasonable man can ask, or an to the other side of the chamber, to the major honorable man can grant, consistently with ity section, to the section in which have been principle. In this spirit, sir, I shall meet this committed the acts that now threaten the dis- great question; and in doing so I believe I shall solution of the Union. I call on you, the repre- be sustained by an immense majority of my sentatives of that section, here and now to say so, constituents. If time shall show that I am if your people are not hostile ; if they have the wrong in this belief, I shall instantly cease to fraternity with which their fathers came to form represent them in this Senate." this Union; if they are prepared to do justice; Mr. Brown, of Mississippi, declined to vote to abandon their opposition to the Constitution for the resolution. He said: “Things had and the laws of the United States; to recognize, reached a crisis. The crisis could only be met in and to maintain, and to defend all the rights one way effectually, in his judgment; and that and benefits the Union was designed to promote was, for the Northern people to review and reand to secure. Give us that declaration-give verse their whole policy upon the subject of as that evidence of the will of your Constituen- slavery. I see no evidence anywhere of any cy to restore us to our original position, when such purpose. On the contrary, the evidences mutual kiodness was the animating motive, accumulate all around, day by day, that there and then we may hopefully look for remedies is no such purpose. The Southern States do which may suffice ; not by organizing armies, not expect that they are going to do it; and,