The subsequent progress of events has served to show how accurate was the intelligence, and how deliberate was the inception of the plot devised against the integrity of the Union and the stability of the Government; for the events which have marked the progress of secession since that time have been but the fulfilment of the programme prescribed by this Senatorial caucus. The leaders of the disunion movement did 66 assume to themselves the political power of the South." They did control "all political and military operations." Forts, arsenals, and custom-houses were seized in obedience to telegraphic orders. (See FORTS.) State Conventions did pass ordinances of immediate and separate secession. A Convention of delegates from the seceding States was held at Montgomery in pursuance of the plan proposed, and these delegates were arbitrarily appointed by the several State Conventions whose members had been elected with no reference whatever to any such ulterior functions. (See CONGRESS, CONFEDERATE) "Defections from the army and navy" were openly rewarded by promotions in the "Southern service."

The principal features in all these proceedings in the different States were these: they were prompt, conducted in secret sessions, and afterwards enforced by the State authorities. The people had no calm, deliberate voice in the matter. In some instances the authority calling the State Convention expressly forbid the

others who are well known, that there can be no doubt of its authenticity.

WASHINGTON, January 7, 1861. MY DEAR SIR:-On the other side is a copy of resolutions adopted at a consultation of the Senators from the seceding States, in which Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana, Arkansas Texas, Mississippi, and Florida were present. The idea of the meeting was that the States should go out at once and provide for the early organization of a Confederate Government, not later than the 15th of February. This time is allowed to enable Louisiana and Texas to participate. It seemed to be the opinion that if we left here, force, loan, and volunteer bills might be passed, which would put Mr. Lincoln in immediate condition for hostilities; whereas, by remaining in our places until the 15th of March, it is thought we can keep the hands of Mr. Buchanan tied, and disable the Republicans from effecting any legislation which will strengthen the hands of the incoming Administration.

The resolutions will be sent by the delegation to the President of the Convention. I have not been able to find

Mr. Mallory this morning. Hawkins [the Representative from Florida] is in Connecticut. I have, therefore, thought

it best to send you this copy of the resolutions, In haste, yours truly.

D. L. YULEE.

J. S. FINNEGAN, Sovereign Convention. Resolved. That in our opinion, each of the Southern States should, as soon as may be, secede from the Union. Resolved, That provision should be made for a Convention to organize a Confederacy of the seceding States, the Convention to meet not later than the 15th of February, at the City of Montgomery, in the State of Alabama.

Resolved, That in view of the hostile legislation that is threatened against the seceding States, and which may be consummated before the 4th of March, we ask instructions whether the delegations are to remain in Congress until that date for the purpose of defeating such legislation.

Resolved. That a Committee be and are hereby appointed, consisting of Messrs. Davis, Slidell, and Mallory, to carry out

the objects of this meeting.

In accordance with these resolutions, the ordinances of

Becession were passed as follows:-Mississippi. January 9th; Alabama and Florida, January 11th; Louisiana, January 26th; Texas, February 1st. The Confederate Congress met at Montgomery on February 4th, and President Davis was Inaugurated February 18th.

passage of an ordinance of secession which should be binding, unless it was ratified by the people.

On the 19th of January a committee in the Mississippi Legislature reported a series of resolutions to provide for a Southern Confederacy and the establishment of a Provisional Government. On this same day, Gov. Pickens, of South Carolina, sent by telegraph the following despatch to the Commissioner, A. B. Jackson, from that State to Mississippi: "Please urge Mississippi to send delegates to the Montgomery meeting of States, at as early a day as possible-say 4th February-to form immediately a strong Provisional Government. It is the only thing to prevent war, and let that Convention elect immediately a Commanderin-Chief for the seceding States."

The State Conventions of South Carolina and Alabama urged the Montgomery Congress, and hence, in the Conventions of all the seceding States, delegates were appointed to this Congress. Among others was Howell Cobb, of Georgia, who resigned his position of Secretary of the Treasury of the United States on the 10th day of December, 1860.

So loyal, however, were the people of some of the States, and particularly Louisiana, to the Union, that notwithstanding all the steps of disunion, they still hoped the end would be a reunion. They looked to the fact that the border States remained in the Union as an assurance that they, through the mediation of these States, could be received back after the delirium of secession was over. They openly declared that if, as people of the Gulf States, they could obtain the assurance of a faithful enforcement of the Constitution, in some such form as the Crittenden bill suggested, they would coerce the seceders. They said that at that time there was in favor of the Union and the clearly guaranteed rights of the South under the Constitution of the United States, a vast majority of the people of the Gulf States; and that a compromise on such a basis would put down all who should exclaim against its provisions.

These sentiments in favor of reconstruction were rebuked in the most decided manner by the Georgia State Convention. That body refused to vote for any person as a member of the Confederate Congress, until he had given assurance that he would, under no contingency, favor reconstruction. It has been stated that the authorities of each State aided the efforts of the Conventions by enforcing the ordinance of secession. These efforts were thoroughly done. All the United States property, whether forts, arsenals, custom-houses, or light-houses was taken. Not a vestige of the authority of the Federal Government was suffered to remain excepting the Post-Office Department. On the 4th of February the delegates to the Confederate Congress assembled at Montgomery, in Alabama. (See CONGRESS, CONFEDERATE.) Their first duties consisted in preparing a form of organization for themselves and the

States which they represented. This resulted in a Provisional Constitution, to continue in operation for one year. Under this Constitution, Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, was elected President, and Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, Vice-President. On the 16th of February, Mr. Davis arrived at Montgomery, to be inaugurated and to enter upon the duties of his office. He was greeted with an ovation, to which he responded in an address reviewing the position of the South. He said: "The time for compromise has now passed, and the South is determined to maintain her position, and make all who oppose her smell Southern powder and feel Southern steel if coercion is persisted in. He had no doubts as to the result. He said we will maintain our rights and government at all hazards. We ask nothing, we want nothing; we will have no complications. If the other States join our Confederation they can freely come in on our terms. Our separation from the old Union is now complete. No compromise, no reconstruction is now to be entertained."

After reaching the Exchange Hotel he again addressed the crowd from the balcony as follows: "Fellow-citizens and brethren of the Confederated States of America-for now we are brethren, not in name inerely, but in fact men of one flesh, one bone, one interest, one purpose, of identity of domestic institutionswe have henceforth, I trust, a prospect of living together in peace, with our institutions subject to protection, and not to defamation. It may be that our career will be ushered in in the midst of a storm; it may be that, as this morning opened with clouds, rain, and mist, we shall have to encounter inconveniences at the beginning; but, as the sun rose and lifted the mist, it dispersed the clouds and left us the pure sunlight of heaven. So will progress the Southern Confederacy, and carry us safe into the harbor of constitutional liberty and political equality. We shall fear nothing, because of homogeneity at home and nothing abroad to awe us; because, if war should come, if we must again baptize in blood the principles for which our fathers bled in the Revolution, we shall show that we are not degenerate sons, but will redeem the pledges they gave, preserve the rights they transmitted to us, and prove that Southern valor still shines as bright as in 1776, in 1812, and in every other conflict."

In concluding his speech, Mr. Davis said: "I thank you, my friends, for the kind manifestations of favor and approbation you exhibit on this occasion. Throughout my entire progress to this city I have received the same flattering demonstrations of support. I did not regard them as personal to myself, but tendered to me as the humble representative of the principles and policy of the Confederate States. I will devote to the duties of the high office to which I have been called all I have of heart, of head, and of hand. If, in the progress of events, it shall become necessary that my services be needed in another position-if, to be

plain, necessity require that I shall again enter the ranks of soldiers-I hope you will welcome me there. And now, my friends, again thanking you for this manifestation of your approba tion, allow me to bid you good night."

The inauguration took place at Montgomery, on the 18th of February. The hill on which the Capitol is situated, was crowded with the wealth and beauty, the soldiers and citizens from the different States. In the evening the city was gorgeously illuminated. The President held a levee at Estelle Hall-bands of music played, fireworks were displayed, and a grand and general demonstration was made. (For Inaugural Address see PUBLIC DOCUMENTS.)

The cabinet officers of this new Government were as follows: Secretary of State, Robert Toombs; Secretary of the Treasury, Chas. G. Memminger; Secretary of War, L. Pope Walker. Mr. Stephens appeared in Congress and took the oath of office and entered upon his duties. (See CONGRESS, CONFEDERATE.)

Several new questions now arose for immediate decision. All the other States of the Union were to the new Confederacy parts of a foreign country. Goods from those States were required to enter at the custom-houses of the Confederacy, and all vessels bound to foreign ports received a clearance in the name of the Confederate States.

The mouths of the Mississippi River being in the State of Louisiana, that State, upon her secession from the Union, undertook to collect the duties upon the foreign goods imported, and to appropriate them to her own use. These goods, when destined to ports up the Mississippi or Ohio, within the United States, became subject to the duties imposed by the tariff of the Union. How should this difficulty be adjusted? The Convention of Louisiana passed a resolution pledging the faith of the State to preserve the navigation of the Mississippi free. But this proposition looked to the future, and never was of any benefit. The prospect of a close shutting up of the mouths of the Mississippi to the trade of the Western States, was the most alarming and irritating event which could be presented to the minds of their citizens. It was equally alarming to see that outlet in the possession of a foreign power. Even Kentucky could not retain her calmness under such an anticipation. This was her language: "No doubt, when the Cotton States Government shall go into full operation, the revenue laws of Louisiana, so far as the exaction of duties is concerned, will be substituted by the revenue laws of that Government, and we greatly fear that, unless the favorite old Southern theory of free trade shall prevail, the Government will exact, as Louisiana now does, duties on goods passing up the Mississippi for States out of the Southern Confederacy. It is in vain for any man to attempt to disguise or conceal the fact that, unless the Southern States that have suffered themselves to be precipitated into revolution can be won back, the most dreadful of all

national calamities, a bloody and devastating and desolating war, enlisting the fiercest and most destructive energies of hundreds of thousands of men, is as inevitable as the fulfilment of the decrees of God."

It was a question in which much interest was manifested, after the inauguration of the new Government, what its policy would be in relation to the Federal Union. It was soon indirectly made known in the following language: "It will be the policy of the new Government to preserve the status quo of affairs until the 4th of March, when the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln will enable him to indicate the course his Administration will pursue towards the Southern Confederacy. The hope is not yet entirely relinquished that more rational counsels may prevail at Washington, and that, 'making a virtue of necessity,' the Republicans will abandon their idea of coercion, and by a peaceful and conciliatory policy endeavor to preserve all that their folly has not entirely lost to them-commercial relations with the South, It is probable that one of the first acts of the new Government will be to send a commission to Washington, to treat for a peaceable and equitable arrangement of matters between the two Republics-the acknowledgment of our independence, the surrender of the forts, a fair division of the public property and of the public debt. Until it is known how our commissioners will be received, and whether the Federal Government is willing to treat for the peaceable and equitable adjustment of these matters, it would be unwise to take any steps that would be likely to precipitate hostilities. We should prepare for the worst while we hope for the best. As the moral sense of a very large portion of the North is on our side, we should do nothing rashly to forfeit our just claim to the fair judgment of that portion of our late confederates, who are blameless for the causes which led to the disruption of the Union and forced the South to assume her present attitude towards the Federal Government."

Military preparations, however, were not neglected. The States of the South, like those of the North, were, with insignificant exceptions, destitute of any well-organized military force. Excepting officers of the army and navy of the United States, and a few others who had survived the Mexican war, military experience and knowledge were most defective. Munitions of war were also lacking. Nevertheless the military spirit of the people was of the first order. Signs of a new life were seen. The powder mills in Pickens district, South Carolina, commenced manufacturing some fifty kegs. a day. A contract for three thousand shot and shells for South Carolina was taken in Savannah; another for casting cannon-balls and grape was taken in Mobile. Recruiting for the regular army of Georgia commenced in all parts of the State. Small squads of recruits from Tennessee were passing to South Caro

lina. One of the delegates of the Confederate Congress publicly declared their purpose in these words: "We intend to put the strongest force in the field which can be raised, and the President will accept from the States all the men that may be tendered. They will be received with their own officers, but the President must settle all questions of rank and position under the authority of Congress."

The plan adopted at this time by Congress, for the regular army of the Confederate States was that it should consist of 10,483 men, rank and file-100 of whom will be of the engineer corps; 3,872 of the artillery: 763 of the cavalry; 6,296 of the infantry. There will be 111 companies, 9 colonels, 8 lieutenant-colonels, 21 majors, 115 captains, 150 first lieutenants, 180 second lieutenants, 450 sergeants, 450 corporals, 8,878 privates, and 222 musicians. The pay of a colonel is $2,340 to $2,520, according to the corps of the service; of a lientenant-colonel, $2,040 to $2,220; of a major, $1,800 to $1,944; of a captain, $1,560 to $1,680; of a first lieutenant, $1,080 to $1,200; of a second lieutenant, $960 to $1,080. Sergeants or master-workmen of engineer corps, $34 per month; corporals or overseers, $20; privates of first-class, or artificers, $17; do. secondclass, or laborers and musicians, $13; sergeantmajor of cavalry, $21 per month; first sergeant, $20; sergeant, $17; farriers and blacksmiths, $13; privates, $12; in infantry, privates $11. Forage, fuel, and quarters additional to pay, and ten cents per mile mileage when travelling on duty.

As each State adopted an ordinance of secession, large numbers of their citizens who were officers of the Federal army and navy, resigned their commissions and entered the service of the Confederate States. On the 3d of March Gen. G. T. Beauregard, one of these officers who had thus resigned, was ordered from New Orleans, to take the command of the Confederate forces at Charleston.

On the 6th of March Congress passed an act, which was approved by President Davis, authorizing a military force of 100,000 men to be raised.

The principles upon which this new nation, now rising up before the world, as its authors believed, was to be founded, were very fully declared by the second officer of the Government, Mr. Stephens, in a speech delivered to the citizens of Savannah, Georgia. In the first place, the Constitution of the United States was adopted, with some alterations and additions. In those alterations and additions consisted all the objections that could be enter tained to their previous form of government. After stating several changes of minor impor tance, he thus proceeded to explain the great and cardinal feature of distinction between the Government of the Confederate States and that of the United States:

"The new Constitution has put at rest forever all the agitating questions relating to our

peculiar institutions-African slavery as it exists among us-the proper status of the negro in our form of civilization. This was the immediate cause of the late rupture and present revolution. Jefferson, in his forecast, had an ticipated this, as the 'rock upon which the old Union would split.' He was right. What was conjecture with him, is now a realized fact. But whether he fully comprehended the great truth upon which that rock stood and stands, may be doubted. The prevailing ideas entertained by him and most of the leading statesmen at the time of the formation of the old Constitution were, that the enslavement of the African was in violation of the laws of nature; that it was wrong in principle, socially, morally, and politically. It was an evil they knew not well how to deal with; but the general opinion of the men of that day was, that, somehow or other, in the order of Providence, the institution would be evanescent and pass away. This idea, though not incorporated in the Constitution, was the prevailing idea at the time. The Constitution, it is true, secured every essential guarantee to the institution while it should last, and hence no argument can be justly used against the constitutional guarantees thus secured, because of the common sentiment of the day. Those ideas, however, were fundamentally wrong. They rested upon the assumption of the equality of races. This was an error. It was a sandy foundation, and the idea of a Government built upon it was wrong-when the 'storm came and the wind blew, it fell.'

"Our new Government is founded upon exactly the opposite ideas; its foundations are laid, its corner-stone rests upon the great truth that the negro is not equal to the white man; that slavery, subordination to the superior race, is his natural and moral condition. This, our new Government, is the first in the history of the world, based upon this great physical, philosophical, and moral truth. This truth has been slow in the process of its development, like all other truths in the various departments of science. It is so even amongst us. Many who hear me, perhaps, can recollect well that this truth was not generally admitted, even within their day. The errors of the past generation still clung to many as late as twenty years ago. Those at the North who still cling to these errors with a zeal above knowledge, we justly denominate fanatics. All fanaticism springs from an aberration of the mind; from a defect in reasoning. It is a species of insanity. One of the most striking characteristics of insanity, in many instances, is forming correct conclusions from fancied or erroneous premises; so with the anti-slavery fanatics: their conclusions are right if their premises are. They as sume that the negro is equal, and hence conclude that he is entitled to equal privileges and rights with the white man. If their premises were correct, their conclusions would be logical and just; but their premises being wrong, their

whole argument fails. I recollect once of having heard a gentleman from one of the Northern States, of great power and ability, announce in the House of Representatives, with imposing effect, that we of the South would be compelled, ultimately, to yield upon this subject of slavery; that it was as impossible to war successfully against a principle in politics, as it was in physics or mechanics. That the principle would ultimately prevail. That we, in maintaining slavery as it exists with us, were warring against a principle-a principle founded in nature, the principle of the equality of man. The reply I made to him was, that upon his own grounds we should succeed, and that he and his associates in their crusade against our institutions would ultimately fail. The truth announced, that it was as impossible to war successfully against a principle in politics as well as in physics and mechanics, I admitted, but told him that it was he and those acting with him who were warring against a principle. They were attempting to make things equal which the Creator had made unequal.

"In the conflict thus far, success has been on our side, complete throughout the length and breadth of the Confederate States. It is upon this, as I have stated, our social fabric is firmly planted; and I cannot permit myself to doubt the ultimate success of a full recognition of this principle throughout the civilized and enlightened world.

"As I have stated, the truth of this principle may be slow in development, as all truths are, and ever have been, in the various branches of science. It was so with the principles announced by Galileo-it was so with Adam Smith and his principles of political economy. It was so with Harvey, and his theory of the circulation of the blood. It is stated that not a single one of the medical profession, living at the time of the announcement of the truths made by him, admitted them. Now they are universally acknowledged. May we not therefore look with confidence to the ultimate universal acknowledgment of the truths upon which our system rests? It is the first Government ever instituted upon principles in strict conformity to nature, and the ordination of Providence, in furnishing the materials of human society. Many Governments have been founded upon the principles of certain classes; but the classes thus enslaved, were of the same race, and in violation of the laws of nature. Our system commits no such violation of nature's laws. The negro by nature, or by the curse against Canaan, is fitted for that condition which he occupies in our system. The architect, in the construction of buildings, lays the foundation with the proper material-the granite-then comes the brick or the marble. The substratum of our society is made of the material fitted by nature for it, and by experience we know that it is the best, not only for the superior but for the inferior race, that it should be so. It is, indeed, in conformity with the