Soon after those discussions the war burst out in | governments would join in pressing Austria to acquiesce flame and havoc upon portions of Germany and Bo- in them also, and to put an end to a war which could be hemia. It was a brief campaign, for Prussian arms of no advantage to her. Though at the commencement carried everything before them; and the Austrians, of the war his sympathies were strongly against Prussia driven in flight from Königgrätz, or Sadowa, the as represented by Bismarck, he could not but acknowKaiser could only take the counsel of Marshal Benedek ledge that he was now engaged on a work of the greatest 'Sire, it is necessary to make peace." benefit to Europe. Mr. Horsman concluded by putting When the course the war was taking, and the issue it a string of questions to Lord Stanley as to the commuwas likely to have, were known in England, the ques-nications which had passed between France and Engtion arose with every one, "What now must be the land. policy of England-is not some intervention necessary?" Earl Derby having become possessed of the reins of government, he was interrogated on the subject. Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, a very combative politician and diplomatist, was for some sort of interference on behalf of Austria. Earl Derby, on behalf of the government, and Earl Russell, on behalf of the opposition, deprecated any intervention. Lord Stanley was then foreign minister, and his presence in the House of Commons gave more than ordinary interest to the debate which arose there. His lordship's speech produced a powerful impression in favour of the policy of the government. He feared that mediation might drift into intervention, and must lead to a future war. This was particularly the case with the present war, the evident scope of which was to establish an independent Italy and a united Germany; and that, he predicted, would be the result if we did not interfere. Our interest in this matter was to have a solid balance of power in Europe, and to have that effected by such geographical and national arrangements as would lead to a permanent and stable settlement; and having laid this down, he showed that the arrangements of 1815 could not be regarded in this light, being founded on artificial, not natural rights on the rights of princes, not of peoples; and he maintained that an independent Italy and a united Germany-both of which must be conservative and peaceful powers-would not only be favourable to the interests of England, but must lead to such a state of equilibrium of political power in Europe as would produce a permanent and real peace, and enable all the powers to reduce their excessive armaments. It was, too, for the real interest of Austria-whose true mission lay towards the east in the cultivation and civilisation of the territories lying along the Danube. Without giving a decided pledge not to mediate, he pledged the government to declare that they would not commit the country to an armed mediation without calling parliament together, and laying the whole circumstances before it. Mr. Horsman expressed his concurrence with Lord Stanley's views, but maintained at the same time that, as we were a great power, with great responsibilities, we ought to be ready to co-operate everywhere to advance the cause of liberty and peace. He discussed the various rumours afloat as to the invitation of France to England to join in a mediation, and showed that the relations and the views of the two powers in respect to Prussia and Italy were so divergent-England only desiring to see Germany united and powerful and Italy free and independent-that there could be no joint mediation unless the Emperor were prepared to bring his policy into harmony with ours. He professed his inability to see the necessity for any application to Prussia and Italy, for Austria could have peace at any moment by agreeing to give up Venetia without stipulations, and to retire from the German Confederation; and both these conditions, he showed, were reasonable, and for the ultimate advantage of Austria. The German people would not permit the return of Austria to the Bund; for the real explanation of Prussia's astounding success was not only the needle-gun, but the adhesion of the German people to a power which could guarantee them the unity they so much desired. He hoped that the French Emperor would acquiesce in the events which had been too much for him; and, if he applied to England, that the two Sir G. Bowyer read from a speech of Prince Napoleon to prove that the war was one against catholicism and for the triumph of democracy-the result of a conspiracy between France, Prussia, and Italy. He trusted that the present government would endeavour to remedy the mischief done by their predecessors, whose foreign policy he strongly denounced, and would discountenance the exclusion of Austria from the German confederation. This speech excited bursts of ironical cheers. 1 Mr. Gladstone vindicated with warmth, in answer to Sir G. Bowyer's attack, the Italian policy of Lord Palmerston's government, and said that, whatever the origin of the war might have been, we must now look at it as bearing upon the happiness and freedom of Europe, and consider how we could best use our influence to promote those objects; adverting to a remark of Mr. Horsman, he contended that the influence of England was best preserved by refraining from elaborate schemes to promote it. In discussing our duty, he exhorted Lord Stanley not to forget that the cause of Italy was dear to the people of this country, and warned him that they would never forgive a policy which attacked her unity and independence. Turning to Germany, he maintained that for years past she had been a perpetual weakness to Europe, and that often our estimates had been increased by millions on account of what might happen to her. The struggles of Austria and Prussia for predomi nance had been an immense injury to Europe and to Germany, and the elevation of one power to a position to wield the influence would be an unmixed advantage even to the loser. Her old position had been both in Germany and Italy anything but beneficial to Austria, and though he lamented the unprecedented attempt to introduce a third party into the strife by ceding Venetia | to France-which might prevent her parting from Italy on such friendly terms-the loss of Venetia, which need not, at present at least, involve the loss of Trieste, would be a gain to Austria. Even if she were excluded from Germany, she had still a glorious task before her in the cultivation of that vast and fertile territory and the civilisation of those millions of subjects which would still be left to her. Lord Stanley said he was not fond of giving advice to foreign powers, though cases might arise in which the interference of a friendly and disinterested power might be of service; but he assured the house that up to the present time the government was entirely unpledged to any policy whatever. The sole diplomatic action we had taken was to support in general terms--as a matter of humanity and common sense-the proposition of the French government for a temporary cessation of hostili. ties. That opportunity had passed away, and since then our advice had neither been asked nor offered. Replying to Mr. Horsman, Lord Stanley stated that he had every reason to believe that an armed intervention was not meditated by France. Austria had asked France to mediate, and the matter rested with her; and if we were asked to join, we must first of all ascertain on what | terms she proposed to mediate. With regard to the terms said to have been offered by Prussia, Venetia, there was no doubt, was already practically ceded to Italy; and as to the exclusion of Austria from Germany, it had never been stated that it was the sole condition on which Prussia would make peace. The government could be no parties to pressing terms upon Austria until they knew the whole extent of the terms. Speaking of 1 the future policy of the government, Lord Stanley said there never was a great European war in which England had less direct interest. The Italian question was not far from a settlement, and he could not see that the establishment of a strong, compact power in North Germany would be either a detriment or a menace to us, whatever it might be deemed to be by other powers. So far as human foresight could go, there were no complications in the situation which would involve us in war; and if we did not mean to take part in it we ought equally to avoid empty threats and holding out illusory hopes. If our advice were asked, and it seemed likely to be of use, we ought not to refuse to give it; but at the same time we ought carefully to avoid any responsibility for the consequences of its being followed. In conclusion Lord Stanley said that, as far as was consistent with his duty, he should take care to keep the house cognizant of all that was done. The speech was received with acclamation. The Earl of Derby, in the House of Lords, on the 23rd of July, gave an explanation of the communications with the French government, which commenced upon the present ministry assuming office, and stated that they acceded to the request of the Emperor by instructing the British ambassadors at Berlin and Florence to co-operate with the French Government, in order, if possible, to obtain an armistice and to ascertain if any terms of peace could be agreed upon. They had expressed no opinion upon the mode in which the cession of Venetia had been effected, but their sole desire was to assist, if possible, in preventing further bloodshed. The armistice was not agreed to, and the British government had taken no further step, nor had they tendered any advice, nor proposed any terms. They had, however, recently learnt that a five days' armistice had been agreed upon and preliminaries of peace accepted by Austria and Prussia; and more recently they had been informed that Baron Ricasoli was willing on the part of Italy to accept the conditions proposed. PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. The grand subject of the session was the government Reform Bill. Before, however, that saw the light, Mr. Clay, member for Hull, introduced a bill creating an educational franchise, after an examination before the | civil service commissioners in reading, writing, spelling, and four rules of arithmetic. The bill, to the surprise of the house, met with the support of Lord Elcho, who, perhaps, gave his voice in its favour as he knew it was impracticable and never could pass; and it was his lordship's habit to sit on the Liberal side of the house, and talk liberalism, but to vote against every real practical measure of reform. Mr. Gladstone, being taunted with the tardiness of the Whig government in producing their much-vaunted bill, declared that the death of Lord Palmerston and the necessity for a mass of practical and statistical information which required time, delayed the bill. This answer was very unsatisfactory to the gentlemen behind the eloquent leader, for the requisite facts were well known in the house and in. the country; and it was notorious that but for the death of Lord Palmerston no Reform Bill whatever would have been introduced, that statesman speaking fair words for the principle, but balking its application by all his wonderful ingenuity. Mr. Gladstone declined all information as to what he would do or when he would do it. Mr. Clay's bill, on the second reading, gave rise to some curious juxtapositions of friends and foes. Mr. Gladstone united heartily with the bulk of the Conservative members in denouncing its impracticability, while some of the highest Tories, such as Lord Cranborne, Sir J. Pakington, Mr. Whiteside (member for Dublin University), Mr. Adderley, &c., supported. Mr. Clay. These unexpected twists in the political coil at each side of the VOL. IV. | house afforded much amusement and some instruction, for they revealed the facts that "the independent members" were bent upon taking the question into their own hands if the government did not; and that the more enlightened among the influential Tories were prepared to make extensive concessions as a necessity of the times and a policy of safety to the party. When Lord Derby came into power, the debate on Mr. Clay's bill was remembered as a shadow of events cast before. Mr. Clay's bill was neither read a second time nor rejected. The debate was adjourned, and its renewal was against the good-sense of the house. At last the hour arrived when the government Reform Bill was to magnify the power and influence of the ministry or fling it from its pinnacle of office. Mr. Gladstone, as leader of the house, was the member of the ministry selected to initiate and conduct it. This he did with that fertile eloquence which has won him so great a fame. There was, of course, a full house, many peers and many strangers were present, and all showed an eager curiosity to hear the great master of rhetoric disclose his plans in his best selected utterances. The portion of the Queen's speech which referred to the subject of the improved representation of the people having been read by the clerk at the table, the chancellor of the exchequer rose, and said that the paragraphs now read were not the only paragraphs in which, under the most soleinn forms known to the constitution, the subject of the representation of the people had been brought before parliament. By no less than five administrations, in no less than six Queen's speeches before that of the present year, the sovereign, advised by her ministers, had informed the commons that in their judgment the time had come when the representation of the people ought to undergo revision. The right hon. gentleman referred to the length of time occupied in preparing the statistical returns as to the present state of the constituencies. He said that no time had been lost in preparing these returns. At the very first cabinet meeting after the funeral of the late Lord Palmerston the ministers framed the heads upon which they required information; and if members on each side of the house would examine the volume of information now laid on the table, they would admit that no time had been misspent, and they would admit the advantage of approaching the consideration of this important question with such a knowledge and such a mass of facts as were never before collected. There had been a disposition to murmur at the delay in producing these papers, and to ascribe it to vacillation on the part of the government; but that had not been the case. The question of time was a matter of importance. It was now the 12th of March, and it would not be possible, considering the approach of the Easter recess, to ask the house to read the bill a second time until the second week in April. Therefore the government felt that, as prudent and practical men, they had to measure what their powers might be in regard to legislating during the present session; and hence arose the question whether they were to have a complete measure or an incomplete measure. Now, what would be a complete revision of our representative system? He must omit from the definition thereof many matters, such as the questions of secret voting or the shortening of parliaments, which did not strictly belong to the revising of the elective franchise. The revision of our representative system was the matter now to be dealt with. It would be of immense advantage if they could deal with the whole range of that question at one stroke. But for that purpose they must consider the franchise of England and Wales, and also the franchise in Scotland and in Ireland, also the whole group of questions included in the common phrase of the redistribution of seats. The question between the three kingdoms—the question between town and country-the question between total extinction by the capital punishment such as was inflicted in Schedule A, between the SS milder method of amputation administered in Schedule | householders would in future be treated like ratepayers, B, or that mildest method of all, which was that adopted and it was believed that votes would thereby be given by Earl Russell in 1852-the method of grouping towns to 35,000 persons. In showing the evil consequences together all these were matters that must undergo resulting from the ratepaying clauses, the right hon. careful consideration. Then there came another question gentleman said: "In some places it has been supposed that could never be avoided when you review the elec- that the local officers, under the influence of particular toral system, namely, the consideration of whether in all bias, did not apply for the payment of the rate until the cases the present boundaries of boroughs are such as the date had passed when the payment of it would avail exigencies of those boroughs naturally require. Another with a view to the exercise of the franchise. The rates matter connected with the subject would be the con- of the two parties of voters are paid by the political sideration of the state of the law as to corrupt practices agents in the interest of the respective candidates; and -a subject as difficult as it was important. But all these one local gentleman who very kindly sent up this inforsubjects, great in themselves and complex in themselves, mation, as far as his own place was concerned, hoped could not come under the review or criticism of this that the communication would be considered confidential. house without careful searching and jealous examination; There are certain boroughs where, by common consent, and it was impossible to expect that parliament could the law is overlooked on both sides. In Liverpool, I do give itself to that complete view of the electoral system not overstate the case when I say that there are not less during the present session. It was conformable to our than between 6,000 and 7,000 persons, probably more, habits to entertain a high idea of what was called the whose rates are habitually and ordinarily collected from omnipotence of parliament, but time and space could not the landlord by arrangement with the parish officers, be annihilated, even to make lovers happy, or for any and are therefore disfranchised without any neglect of other purpose whatever. If this bill were now read a their own. They are not compound householders, but first time, the second reading would be proposed on the their rates are collected from the landlord. We expect 12th of April, or between that and the middle of July, that the victims of this class are almost all of them perthe latest period at which such a bill could be sent to sons who belong to the designation of working men. the House of Lords. The government nights would We shall admit not less than 25,000 above the line of only amount to twenty-four, one-half of which at least 107. by the abolition of this clause. Then we come to must be occupied by finance and supply, and beyond the question of compound householders. The principle these twenty-four nights they would have nothing to upon which we go is that they should be treated exactly depend upon but the charity of private members. Now as ratepaying householders, if the rent of their house is what had they found in former years? In 1860 they of such a scale that in the judgment of the legislature spent months in trying to do nothing; and on the they are suitable persons to be enfranchised. It is occasion of the great Reform Act one single bill of perfectly certain, as an economic truth, that the rates of the three forming the great reform occupied in one of that house, though paid in the first instance by the landits three forms fifty-three nights in the House of Com-lord, are ultimately paid by the householder; and it mons, and at least one hundred nights were occupied in the complete review of the electoral system which was then achieved; but in order to do so the members turned day into night, summer into winter, and sacrificed, unjustly sacrificed, for two years all other legislation which required debate or serious discussion. The government, having fully considered all these matters, had resolved to confine themselves to a bill for the alteration of the elective franchise. In 1860 it was proposed to reduce the county franchise from 50l. to 107., but in the present case the government proposed to modify that plan, and to reduce the county franchise to 147. of value. This, however, would not apply to a house alone, but would apply equally to a house and land, provided the rental of either or both was not less than 147. per annum. This would correspond with a 127. rating franchise, and it was estimated that it would add 171,000 persons to the electoral lists. It was also proposed to recognise the possession of copyhold or leasehold property within the limits of boroughs, and to give them the same privileges as if they were freeholds within the limits of a borough. It was next proposed that all adult males who had deposited 501. in a savings-bank for two years should be entitled to be registered for the place in which they resided. This privilege would add from 10,000 to 15,000 electors to the constituencies of England and Wales. An annual claim to be registered would be essentially necessary in the case of savings-banks voters. With regard to towns, there were at present four classes of occupiers, viz., ratepaying householders, compound householders, those who occupied portions of houses without being rated, and those who were the inmates of other people's families. The growth of the constituencies in towns had barely kept pace with the growth of the population generally; but he was glad to find that the infusion of the working classes in the present constituencies was larger than he expected, being in boroughs 21 per cent. It was intended to abolish the ratepaying clauses of the Reform Act, which it was hoped would admit 25,000 voters above the line of 10%. Persons who were now in the position of compound can make no difference to us, and does not justify any 1 difficulty; but the public officer does not know, and | ferent manner. The net 7., allowing 60 per cent. cannot know, who these people are. He knows the value for rates and furniture, would give a gross sum of of the annual rating of compound householders, because 117. 48. That would represent 671. 48. But instead of that is necessary for public purposes; but he does not thirty odd shillings a week, the wages of a man occupyand cannot know the rent paid to the householder by ing such a house would be a little under 26s. a week. the man who is the occupier of part of the tenement. That sum is undoubtedly unattainable by the peasantry Consequently we must leave these persons as they are and by mere hand labour, except in very rare circumnow, subject to the burden of yearly claims. If the stances, but it is generally attainable by artisans and party can show that the tenement he rents is of the clear skilled labourers." The right hon. gentleman then proannual value of 10%., though relieved from the necessity ceeded to say that it was not intended to confer the of being rated, he may have his name placed on the franchise on persons occupying furnished lodgings, as register, but with the necessity of renewing his claim the bases would be far too slippery and capricious to from year to year. As to lodgers, we propose to place deal with. To give votes to 67. householders and likethem exactly on the footing of those holding tenements wise to admit the classes to whom he had referred, would of the clear yearly value of 107., without taking into be to transfer the balance of political power in boroughs consideration rates and taxes. These will be entitled, to the working classes. This, he apprehended, had never through a claim made from year to year, to be placed on been contemplated by parliament; for it was not well, the register. In 1859, the late government proposed on the general grounds of political prudence, to make that any person paying 207. by the year, or 8s. per week, changes of too sudden and extensive a character in the for any rooms, whether furnished or unfurnished, should depositaries of power. What the government, therefore, be entitled through yearly claims, subject to certain for- proposed to do was, to take the amount next above 67., malities, to be placed on the register. We think that namely, a 77. clear annual value, a figure not very far there are insuperable difficulties to any franchise resting from that apparently fixed by the Small Tenements upon rent paid for furnished apartments. In the first Voting Act; and it was calculated that the net number place, the clear annual value of rooms is difficult to of persons enfranchised by this provision would be ascertain when the price continually fluctuates from day 144,000. The total number of new voters of all classes to day in town and country. Still it is a thing capable would be :-In counties, 172,000; in towns, 204,000; of being brought to some definite standard; but the lodger and savings-banks franchises, 24,000; total, value of the furniture, the rent paid on movable com- 400,000. Of this number one-half would belong to the modities, would be a totally novel, and, I must say, in- working classes, and one-half to what might be termed a convenient basis for the franchise. If the case is defec- new middle class. The only remaining provision in tho tive when you have to estimate the value of furniture bill had reference to the dockyards, and it was proposed alone, much more is it so when you come to consider the to disfranchise the labourers in those places. Such was rent paid for furnished lodgings, because not only does the scheme of the government. "It is probable that, it include the furniture but many other particulars- according to the various tempers of men's minds, we personal service, firing, cooking, very commonly the use shall be told that we have done too little, or that we of the kitchen-fire-in point of fact, creating a basis of have done too much. Our answer is, that we have done a kind so peculiar that it would be quite impossible to our best. We have endeavoured to take into account make use of it for the purpose. I wish the house to the state and condition of the people, as well as the understand, because great interest has been exhibited qualification which the people possess for the exercise of on the subject of the lodger franchise, that we propose political rights. We are mindful that the limbo of to deal with it in a manner that will include every case, abortive creations is peopled with the unfortunate and more than every bonâ-fide case, which could have skeletons of reform bills, and we do not wish to add to been included in the bill of 1859. If a man pays 201. a the number of those unfortunate measures. We may year for his furnished lodging, then that lodging ought have erred, but we have endeavoured to see how much to be worth, allowing for the use of the furniture, more good we could effect. As to the completeness of the than 10%. clear annual value. We propose that any measure, I have given to the house what I think a clear person paying rent of 10%. clear annual value, subject to and distinct statement of our honesty of purpose upon a the usual conditions of occupation and residence, shall careful examination of facts; not to attempt, by any be entitled to come on the register. I can give no in- measure that we could lay upon the table of the house formation-and I believe the right hon. gentleman in at a given moment, what we knew to be impracticable, 1859 could give no information-as to the number of and in which, therefore, we must fail. If we are told persons who will be entitled to be registered as lodgers. that we ought to have done more, our answer is, that it My firm belief is that it will be a small one. The opera- was our duty to take into view the sentiments of the tion of claiming from year to year is one which must be country-disposed to moderate change, sensible of the very burdensome to the working man; but educated value of that which it possesses, and sensitive with men, young men-such as clerks in business, versed in regard to bringing what it possesses into hazard. Nor the use of pen and ink, possessing intelligence and the can I deny the opinions expressed of the intelligence of inclination to obtain the franchise, and willing to take the working classes, and of their admirable performance the trouble necessary, as I hope they will be, will con- of duties, at least of their duties towards their superiors; stitute a middle class of extended franchise, though it for it seems to me, that if they sin their sins are against would be to delude the house if I were to point to any themselves. Yet it is true of the working class, as it is large number of the working classes as likely to come of any other class, that it is a dangerous temptation to on the register through this means. I think I am safe, human nature to be suddenly invested with preponand speak with moderation, when I say that the work- derating power, and that, I think, is the reason why we ing man does not spend more than one-sixth of his in- have not done too little; and, notwithstanding that we come on his house. As well as we can gather, it is one- may be told that we have done too much, I hope that sixth, therefore his income must be 967.; or, in other will not be said. I do not entirely abandon the expecwords, without making any allowance whatever for sick- tation that even those who have almost protested on Less and interruption of work, he must receive 17. 178. principle against any extension of the franchise may be a week, or, if we allow for necessary breaks, 27. a week disposed to accept the measure; and if they do not wages. But it is a small proportion of the working class wholly approve, they will not be averse to settle this that get 21. a week wages; and I do not think therefore great, important, and difficult question. I would beg that the franchise can be said to be liberally and largely them to consider what immense value there is in an exwithin the reach of the working man at 107. annual tension of the franchise for its own sake. Liberty is a rental. The 77. franchise will certainly work in a dif- thing which is good-not merely its fruits, but is good milder method of amputation administered in Schedule | householders would in future be treated like ratepayers, B, or that mildest method of all, which was that adopted and it was believed that votes would thereby be given by Earl Russell in 1852-the method of grouping towns to 35,000 persons. In showing the evil consequences together-all these were matters that must undergo resulting from the ratepaying clauses, the right hon. careful consideration. Then there came another question gentleman said: "In some places it has been supposed that could never be avoided when you review the elec- that the local officers, under the influence of particular toral system, namely, the consideration of whether in all bias, did not apply for the payment of the rate until the cases the present boundaries of boroughs are such as the date had passed when the payment of it would avail exigencies of those boroughs naturally require. Another with a view to the exercise of the franchise. The rate matter connected with the subject would be the con- of the two parties of voters are paid by the political sideration of the state of the law as to corrupt practices agents in the interest of the respective candidates; an? -a subject as difficult as it was important. But all these one local gentleman who very kindly sent up this infor subjects, great in themselves and complex in themselves, mation, as far as his own place was concerned, hope! could not come under the review or criticism of this that the communication would be considered confidential house without careful searching and jealous examination; There are certain boroughs where, by common consent, and it was impossible to expect that parliament could the law is overlooked on both sides. In Liverpool, I do give itself to that complete view of the electoral system not overstate the case when I say that there are not les during the present session. It was conformable to our than between 6,000 and 7,000 persons, probably more. habits to entertain a high idea of what was called the whose rates are habitually and ordinarily collected from omnipotence of parliament, but time and space could not the landlord by arrangement with the parish officers, be annihilated, even to make lovers happy, or for any and are therefore disfranchised without any neglect of other purpose whatever. If this bill were now read a their own. They are not compound householders, ba first time, the second reading would be proposed on the their rates are collected from the landlord. We expect 12th of April, or between that and the middle of July, that the victims of this class are almost all of them per the latest period at which such a bill could be sent to sons who belong to the designation of working me. the House of Lords. The government nights would We shall admit not less than 25,000 above the line of only amount to twenty-four, one-half of which at least 107. by the abolition of this clause. Then we come to must be occupied by finance and supply, and beyond the question of compound householders. The principl these twenty-four nights they would have nothing to upon which we go is that they should be treated exactly depend upon but the charity of private members. Now as ratepaying householders, if the rent of their house is what had they found in former years? In 1860 they of such a scale that in the judgment of the legislature spent months in trying to do nothing; and on the they are suitable persons to be enfranchised. It is occasion of the great Reform Act one single bill of perfectly certain, as an economic truth, that the rates the three forming the great reform occupied in one of that house, though paid in the first instance by the landits three forms fifty-three nights in the House of Com-lord, are ultimately paid by the householder; and it mons, and at least one hundred nights were occupied in the complete review of the electoral system which was then achieved; but in order to do so the members turned day into night, summer into winter, and sacrificed, unjustly sacrificed, for two years all other legislation which required debate or serious discussion. The government, having fully considered all these matters, had resolved to confine themselves to a bill for the alteration of the elective franchise. In 1860 it was proposed to reduce the county franchise from 50l. to 10., but in the present case the government proposed to modify that plan, and to reduce the county franchise to 147. of value. This, however, would not apply to a house alone, but would apply equally to a house and land, provided the rental of either or both was not less than 147. per annum. This would correspond with a 127. rating franchise, and it was estimated that it would add 171,000 persons to the electoral lists. It was also proposed to recognise the possession of copyhold or leasehold property within the limits of boroughs, and to give them the same privileges as if they were freeholds within the limits of a borough. It was next proposed that all adult males who had deposited 501. in a savings-bank for two years should be entitled to be registered for the place in which they resided. This privilege would add from 10,000 to 15,000 electors to the constituencies of England and Wales. An annual claim to be registered would be essentially necessary in the case of savings-banks voters. With regard to towns, there were at present four classes of occupiers, viz., ratepaying householders, compound householders, those who occupied portions of houses without being rated, and those who were the inmates of other people's families. The growth of the constituencies in towns had barely kept pace with the growth of the population generally; but he was glad to find that the infusion of the working classes in the present constituencies was larger than he expected, being in boroughs 21 per cent. It was intended to abolish the ratepaying clauses of the Reform Act, which it was hoped would admit 25,000 voters above the line of 10%. Persons who were now in the position of compound can make no difference to us, and does not justify any |
