CHAPTER XIV.

Opening of the Year-Parliamentary Session: Resignation of Earl Derby:
Abandonment of Voting by Proxy in the House of Lards; Act of Discon-
tinuance of Public Executions; Reform Bill for Scot and; Reform Bill
for Ireland; the Boundary Bill, England and Wales; Election Petitions
Discussion on the
Bill; Affairs of Ireland; Ecclesiastical Titles Act;
Condition of Ireland; Debate on the Disestablishment of the Irish
Charcha Ministerial Explanations; Mr. Gladstone's Second and Third
Resolutions; Debate on the Suspensory Bill: Debate in the House of
Lords on the Irish Church; the Budget; Army and Navy Estimates;
Army Organisation; Purchase in the Army; Amendments in the Mu-
tiny Bill; Estimates for the Civil Service; the Indian Budget.

A.D. 1868.

PARLIAMENTARY SESSION.

demands made by the organs of Irish discontent for redress and satisfaction, characterising some of these, such as the repeal of the union, and the conversion of yearly tenants into owners of the soil, as too chimerica. to be entertained. Another great subject of controversy, that of the Protestant Church Establishment, Lard Stanley, while admitting its gravity, passed over as 50e which, in his position, and under the circumstance of the time, it was inexpedient to descant upon. "Is perfectly clear," he said, "that if there is to be any legislation-I don't say that there ought-affecting the THE opening of one year is, politically, political position of the various parties in Ireland, such THE socially, and morally, in every country, legislation ought not to be the work of a dying parla. what the close is. The old year, as it were, ment, returned by a constituency which is itself about plants his foot within the circle of the new, before he to be considerably modified." Finally the noble lord retires into "bye pastime" for ever. Accordingly, the concluded his review of Irish affairs by the emphatic deevents of 1867 were the theme of universal discussion, claration, which was frequently referred to in the par before the meeting of parliament. Among these the mentary discussions of the ensuing session, that the probable effects of the Reform Bill for England and condition of Ireland was "the question of the hou Wales, and the possible success or defeat of the Scotch The addresses of other public men, if less clear and and Irish Reform Bills-deferred to the session of 1868-potent, were in tone and spirit much the same. became the subject of universal speculation from the breaking up of parliament for the Christmas holidays, 1867, to the opening of the eventful session of 1868. As the time wore on for parliament to assemble the public anxiety deepened. Men became very anxious to know what would be really attempted in the Abyssinian expedition, how it would be conducted, what would be the results, and whether the estimates of the expenditure would not be far outrun as many predicted. The history of Ireland closed gloomily for 1867, and opened in 1868 with all the portents of a storm. Religions and political hatred were rampant, the country was disturbed, and what to do for it was a subject of much debate in England everywhere. Some of the leading men of the ministry seemed to give themselves heart and soul to the consideration of the troubles of Ireland with a view to mitigate them. Among these Lord Stanley was foremost, and his public addresses in various places on the subject produced a powerful effect. On the 22nd of July there was a banquet given in Bristol to her Majesty's ministers; several members of the cabinet were present. The noble lord reviewed some of the leading questions of the time, and foremost amongst them laid great stress on the case of Ireland. "It is one which I suppose at the present moment is hardly ever absent from the mind of any person who takes part in public affairs. I mean the painful, the dangerous, and to us, in appearance at least, the discreditable state of things which unhappily continues to exist in Ireland. We have, indeed, in that country a strange and perplexing problem to solve. I suppose there never was a time when Englishmen of all parties and all classes were more anxious to give all reasonable satisfaction to Irish demands, and even, as far as can be done without national injury, to humour the feelings and prejudices of the Irish people. The material condition of Ireland is not bad. Certainly it is far above the average of what it has been in former years; the peasantry are better fed, better clothed, and better paid than they were twenty years ago. The more educated class share absolutely and without restriction the advantages of British citizenship. Nothing is wanted except a little peace and security for uncounted millions of British capital to pour into that country, as English wealth has poured into Scotland, and as it continues every day to pour into colonies that are separated from us by the breadth of the globe; yet it would be idle to deny that discontent is very widely spread, that disaffection is not unfrequent, and that there is a portion of the population - hope not a considerable portion, but still a portion -who regard their connection with England as a burden rather than as a benefit. Well, that is a miserable state of things; and yet when we look for a remedy, who is peers echoing the opinions of the Liberal members of

there that can give us an intelligible answer?" The noble speaker went on to examine in detail the various

On the 13th of February parliament opened with the formality of a queen's speech, the session beg assumed to have commenced the previous year. The first measure was a renewal of the Habeas Corpus A for Ireland. That this should be necessary was gretted on both sides of the house; but the necakuj was imperative, and the proposal of the government was at once readily though reluctantly complied with. The Fenian leaders had transferred the scene of their oper tions to England, causing alarms and surprises in Ladon, and the great towns of the north. In the Unite States of America, and on the Continent of Europe, the conspiracy was actively at work. Those leaders were generally men who had served in the northern amy during the American civil war, and some of them in served with distinction. Lord Mayo, the Irish secre tary, stated that there were then ninety-six men custody in Ireland under the lord-lieutenant's warrati The number of men arrested from the 1st of January 1867, to the 31st of January, 1868, was 265, and of the 111 were captured in March, 1867, when the futler break had broken forth. Out of the whole number ninety-five had come from America, and these included most of the principal men of the conspiracy. The per sons arrested were, for the most part, artisans, sp assistants, and labourers, exclusive of those who hai served in the army of the United States. Lord May thus classed them: ninety artisans, sixty-six labourers. twenty-five professional men and clerks, some fer sailors, and only eleven farmers. The occupiers of a abstained from all participation in the revolt, or c spiracy to revolt. The government, his lordship c served, avoided arresting any but the leaders, and the whole character of the movement showed that in Irean. the movement was confined to the very lowest classe of the people. His lordship indignantly repelled the calumny that the government had allowed the ti spiracy to mature itself, with the view of more ease! crushing it in an open revolt, and he lauded the su rities, and especially the police, for their fidelity za efforts to repress the confederacy, and suppress is enbreaks.

Some of the Liberal members admitted the necess

of the measure, but expressed their regret that it h not been preceded by conciliatory measures which migh possibly have rendered it unnecessary.

The bill passed rapidly through the commons, and was sent up to the House of Lords, where it was o received without some extensive discussion, the Libers

the commons.

Earl Russell declared that the grievances of Irela

An able retort was made to Earl Russell by Lord Hardwick, who asked him why, when in office, he had not effected a cure for the maladies which he now accused the government of not relieving.

Earl Grey contended that the sympathy of the whole civilised world was with Ireland, and insisted that the domination of the Irish Church was the root of all the evil.

The Duke of Richmond announced that, on the following day, the intentions of the government as to legislation to remedy Irish grievances, would be made known "in the other house."

459

were intolerable, and such as no other European country | helm of public affairs; but he added a cheering assur. endured; and demanded of the government their pro-ance that the government would still have the benefit gramme for the reduction of those grievances and the of the noble earl's advice. The right hon. gentleman removal of Irish disaffection. He especially referred to paid a high tribute to the abilities of the chief who had the Irish Church; and warned the government that in preceded him, and to the services his lordship had rencase of a war with America, Irish disaffection might dered to the country. Mr. Disraeli also spoke feelingly of the personal kindness which he had always received prove formidable. at Lord Derby's hands. In succeeding to the post of principal adviser of the Queen, it was most consolatory to himself, and it would be, he knew, most satisfactory to those who heard him, that he should still be helped by the wisdom and experience of the noble earl who, he ventured to hope, would soon resume his place in the With respect to the future, Mr. House of Lords. Disraeli observed, the Conservative party must bear in mind that it was in a minority, and that there were difficult and important questions before the country which forbade the expectation of smooth sailing. The right hon. gentleman then referred to some of the leading questions of the day, including the Scotch and Irish Reform Bills and the general'state of Ireland. With respect to the subject of reform, he believed that by the forbearance of parties the government would be able successfully to carry the Scotch and Irish bills. On the special question of Ireland, and on the points of the church and land grievances, Mr. Disraeli spoke with caution. Confessing the difficulties in the way of legislation, he said that the government wished to treat Ireland in a liberal spirit. Without committing himself to any definite policy, he was understood to say that the Earl of Mayo would, in his answer to the motion then impending of Mr. Maguire, make a statement which would, no doubt, be satisfactory to the party, and, he hoped, to the country. Mr. Disraeli, in conclusion, thanked the gentlemen present for the kindness with which they had received him, and expressed a belief that, in the unity of their party, the Conservatives had nothing to fear. He begged to assure them, on his own part, that the government would, as far as possible, treat on Conservative principles the questions that must still arise. One of those to which he referred was the distribution of seats. The premier's address was very favourably received by the meeting.

The Marquis of Westmeath declared that the Irish Protestants were "the civil garrison of Ireland," and to that extent the government was bound to stand by them, but he would raise the Roman Catholics without depressing the Protestants. In a word, his lordship desired what he called religious equality-meaning, the endowment by the state, from whatever source the funds might come, of the Roman Catholic religion. The suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act was eventually carried, nemine contradicente.

RESIGNATION OF EARL DERBY.

The session had not made any further progress of importance when changes were announced in the personnel of the cabinet. The prime minister was prevented by illness from taking his place in the peers after the beginning of the session, Lord Malmesbury acting the part of "leader."

On the 26th of February, it was announced that the Earl of Derby was unable to attend in his place, or perform the important functions of his office, and that he had been compelled to offer his resignation to the Queen, who had graciously accepted it, and Mr. Disraeli was nominated by her Majesty as premier.

Earl Russell paid a noble and eloquent tribute of respect to the retiring earl.

A similar announcement was made the same evening in the commons, by Lord Stanley, Mr. Disraeli's seat being vacated by his acceptance of his new office. An adjournment of the house took place, after a warm eulogy of Lord Derby's great qualities from the leader of the opposition.

The changes in the government which ensued upon Mr. Disraeli's accession to the premiership were not considerable. The right hon. gentleman vacated the post of chancellor of the exchequer, in which he was succeeded by Mr. Ward Hunt; Lord Cairns, previously one of the lords justices of the Court of Chancery, became lord chancellor in the room of Lord Chelmsford; Mr. Walpole resigned the seat in the cabinet of which he had previously been a member without office; Mr. Sclater-Booth became financial secretary to the treasury in the place of Mr. Ward Hunt, being himself succeeded in the secretaryship to the poor-law board by Sir Michael Hicks Beach. An occasion was speedily taken by the new prime minister of communicating to the supporters of the government in the House of Commons the views and intentions by which its conduct would in future be governed. A meeting of Conservative members was summoned by circular to the official residence of the first lord of the treasury in Downing Street. About 170 noblemen and gentlemen attended, and all the members of the cabinet, Lord Stanley alone excepted, were present.

Mr. Disraeli opened his address with an expression of regret for the cause of Lord Derby's resignation of the

On the two houses re-assembling after the adjournment, a statement was made by the chief organ of the government in each as to the course by which its future policy would be guided. Addressing the House of Lords on the 5th of March, the Earl of Malmesbury informed them that the formation of the ministry under its new head was then completed. Two changes only had taken place in the cabinet. The policy of the ministry would be the same as that of Lord Derby. The present session would no doubt be an important one as regarded the measures which would have to be brought forward. The work of reform would have to be perfected by the introduction of measures for Scotland and Ireland, and a bill would be introduced for the extension of popular education. An earnest attempt would also be made to remedy the evils which existed in Ireland.

Earl Russell said, "There can be no objection to the new arrangements as to their formal character. It has not been unusual for the leader of the House of Commons to succeed a prime minister who has died or retired from office. But, looking to the formation of the new ministry, I cannot help making that protest which I have made on former occasions as to Lord Derby's ministry, that I think no confidence can be placed in a government which openly professes to say one thing and to mean another. That government was carried on for three years on that principle. Having declared that there should be no reduction in the franchise, yet all the time it was their intention to make a larger reduction than was proposed by their opponents. The consequence has been a course of deception-a course which might be called by another name-which must prevent any reliance being placed on a government

An able retort was made to Earl Russell by Lord Hardwick, who asked him why, when in office, he had not effected a cure for the maladies which he now accused the government of not relieving.

Earl Grey contended that the sympathy of the whole civilised world was with Ireland, and insisted that the domination of the Irish Church was the root of all the evil.

were intolerable, and such as no other European country | helm of public affairs; but he added a cheering assur endured; and demanded of the government their pro-ance that the government would still have the benefit gramme for the reduction of those grievances and the of the noble earl's advice. The right hon. gentleman removal of Irish disaffection. He especially referred to paid a high tribute to the abilities of the chief who had the Irish Church; and warned the government that in preceded him, and to the services his lordship had rencase of a war with America, Irish disaffection might dered to the country. Mr. Disraeli also spoke feelingly prove formidable. of the personal kindness which he had always received at Lord Derby's hands. In succeeding to the post of principal adviser of the Queen, it was most consolatory to himself, and it would be, he knew, most satisfactory to those who heard him, that he should still be helped by the wisdom and experience of the noble earl who, he ventured to hope, would soon resume his place in the House of Lords. With respect to the future, Mr. Disraeli observed, the Conservative party must bear in mind that it was in a minority, and that there were difficult and important questions before the country which forbade the expectation of smooth sailing. The right hon. gentleman then referred to some of the leading questions of the day, including the Scotch and Irish Reform Bills and the general'state of Ireland. With respect to the subject of reform, he believed that by the forbearance of parties the government would be able successfully to carry the Scotch and Irish bills. On the special question of Ireland, and on the points of the church and land grievances, Mr. Disraeli spoke with caution. Confessing the difficulties in the way of legis

The Duke of Richmond announced that, on the following day, the intentions of the government as to legislation to remedy Irish grievances, would be made known "in the other house."

The Marquis of Westmeath declared that the Irish Protestants were "the civil garrison of Ireland," and to that extent the government was bound to stand by them, but he would raise the Roman Catholics without depressing the Protestants. In a word, his lordship desired what he called religious equality-meaning, the endowment by the state, from whatever source the funds might come, of the Roman Catholic religion. The suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act was even-lation, he said that the government wished to treat tually carried, nemine contradicente.

RESIGNATION OF EARL DERBY. The session had not made any further progress of importance when changes were announced in the personnel of the cabinet. The prime minister was prevented by illness from taking his place in the peers after the beginning of the session, Lord Malmesbury acting the part of "leader."

On the 26th of February, it was announced that the Earl of Derby was unable to attend in his place, or perform the important functions of his office, and that he had been compelled to offer his resignation to the Queen, who had graciously accepted it, and Mr. Disraeli was nominated by her Majesty as premier.

Earl Russell paid a noble and eloquent tribute of respect to the retiring earl.

A similar announcement was made the same evening in the commons, by Lord Stanley, Mr. Disraeli's seat being vacated by his acceptance of his new office. An adjournment of the house took place, after a warm eulogy of Lord Derby's great qualities from the leader of the opposition.

The changes in the government which ensued upon Mr. Disraeli's accession to the premiership were not considerable. The right hon. gentleman vacated the post of chancellor of the exchequer, in which he was succeeded by Mr. Ward Hunt; Lord Cairns, previously one of the lords justices of the Court of Chancery, became lord chancellor in the room of Lord Chelmsford; Mr. Walpole resigned the seat in the cabinet of which he had previously been a member without office; Mr. Sclater-Booth became financial secretary to the treasury in the place of Mr. Ward Hunt, being himself succeeded in the secretaryship to the poor-law board by Sir Michael Hicks Beach. An occasion was speedily taken by the new prime minister of communicating to the supporters of the government in the House of Commons the views and intentions by which its conduct would in future be governed. A meeting of Conservativo members was summoned by circular to the official residence of the first lord of the treasury in Downing Street. About 170 noblemen and gentlemen attended, and all the members of the cabinet, Lord Stanley alone excepted, were present.

Mr. Disraeli opened his address with an expression of regret for the cause of Lord Derby's resignation of the

Ireland in a liberal spirit. Without committing himself to any definite policy, he was understood to say that the Earl of Mayo would, in his answer to the motion then impending of Mr. Maguire, make a statement which would, no doubt, be satisfactory to the party, and, he hoped, to the country. Mr. Disraeli, in conclusion, thanked the gentlemen present for the kindness with which they had received him, and expressed a belief that, in the unity of their party, the Conservatives had nothing to fear. He begged to assure them, on his own part, that the government would, as far as possible, treat on Conservative principles the questions that must still arise. One of those to which he referred was the distribution of seats. The premier's address was very favourably received by the meeting.

On the two houses re-assembling after the adjournment, a statement was made by the chief organ of the government in each as to the course by which its future policy would be guided. Addressing the House of Lords on the 5th of March, the Earl of Malmesbury informed them that the formation of the ministry under its new head was then completed. Two changes only had taken place in the cabinet. The policy of the ministry would be the same as that of Lord Derby. The present session would no doubt be an important one as regarded the measures which would have to be brought forward. The work of reform would have to be perfected by the introduction of measures for Scotland and Ireland, and a bill would be introduced for the extension of popular education. An earnest attempt would also be made to remedy the evils which existed in Ireland.

Earl Russell said, "There can be no objection to the new arrangements as to their formal character. It has not been unusual for the leader of the House of Commons to succeed a prime minister who has died or retired from office. But, looking to the formation of the new ministry, I cannot help making that protest which I have made on former occasions as to Lord Derby's ministry, that I think no confidence can be placed in a government which openly professes to say one thing and to mean another. That government was carried on for three years on that principle. Having declared that there should be no reduction in the franchise, yet all the time it was their intention to make a larger reduction than was proposed by their opponents. The consequence has been a course of deception-a course which might be called by another name-which must prevent any reliance being placed on a government

which openly avows that they do not mean what they | my sense of the generous manner in which they have say."

The Duke of Marlborough was at a loss to understand the meaning of the noble lord. The true state of the case was that the subject of reform occupied the attention of the Earl of Derby's cabinet immediately they met. And whatever opinions its members previously held, there could be no doubt that when they decided to propose a measure of parliamentary reform they made that proposition in a frank and straightforward manner, and in one entirely consistent with the spirit of the constitution.

Earl Russell said that if the noble duke desired to have his meaning he would tell him. He had called the course pursued by the government of Lord Derby one of deception-the chancellor of the exchequer, in his speech at Edinburgh, called it one of "education "because for seven years the fears of the country had been excited against a reduction of the franchise, against which Mr. Disraeli not only protested in the House of Commons, but congratulated the electors of Buckinghamshire that no such reduction had taken place; and yet, during all that time he had, according to his own account, been educating his party to bring about a greater reduction, or, as he then called it, "degradation," of the franchise than his opponents proposed. It was by those means that many gentlemen were induced to desert their own colours and go over to the Conservative party, believing that there would be no reduction of the franchise. It was by these professions that the Earl of Carnarvon, Lord Cranborne, and General Peel were induced to join Lord Derby's cabinet, believing that no such measures would be introduced as were in fact proposed. There was no example in the history of party of such a deception or such an education having taken place. It was a course of conduct that not only men like Charles Fox, Earl Grey, or Lord Althorp would have scorned to adopt, but which would have been equally scorned by Pitt, Lord Liverpool, and the Duke of Wellington. It was a plan and system of government which destroyed all trust and reliance in public men, because the faith which the government had pledged one day might be disavowed on the morrow.

On the same evening Mr. Disraeli made a more expanded statement in the House of Commons as to the course which his administration intended to pursue. He said, "I beg the house to allow me to make a few remarks on the change which has taken place in my relations to this house since I last had the honour to address it. The retirement of Lord Derby was unexpected. I have no language which can describe my sense of his loss, and I will not attempt to dilate upon the career or character of Lord Derby. I think it unnecessary to touch upon his services. It is our pride and boast that he has lived amongst us, and I am happy to be surrounded by many who have a personal recollection of that brilliant perception and that fiery eloquence which he possessed in a greater degree than most men that I have known. Her Majesty has been pleased, on the retirement of Lord Derby, to command me to form a government. Under any circumstances, I think, there is no one who, when such a trust was pressed upon him, would not feel that in accepting it he must incur a great burden and encounter great difficulties. But I knew that in my position there were personal and peculiar reasons which would aggravate the burden, and which would augment those difficulties. Yet I did not think that I could with self-respect refuse an offer of such a character, and I trusted to be supported by the sympathy of a generous party. And I may be permitted to say that I trusted to receiving fair and impartial treatment from a house of parliament in which I have now passed half of my existence. Under these circumstances, I have presumed to undertake the office, and I am bound in gratitude to those who are my colleagues to express

granted me their assistance. Under circumstances of this character, when a new government is formed, it is not unreasonable that the House of Commons should expect some intimation of the principles upon which the new administration is to be conducted. I may state that in the present instance my desire will be limited and modified, because it is known, or at least I now declare, that in succeeding to the position of Lord Derby, I have succeeded to that 'policy which he established when, somewhat less than two years ago, he succeeded to power, and which he has, throughout his administration, more or less advocated. For twenty years I enjoyed his unbroken and unswerving confidence-twenty years that were passed by us in confidential co-operation, absolutely without alloy; and therefore I must bo cognizant of the policy of which he approves and of the opinions he will uphold on all the great questions of the day. With regard to our foreign policy, I shall follow the course which has been pursued under the guidance of my noble friend near me (Lord Stanley)-I believe I may say with the approbation of parliament, I think I may add with the confidence of Europe. That policy is the policy of peace; not of peace at any price,' not of peace for the mere interests of England, but from the conviction that a policy of peace is for the general interest of the world. We do not believe that that policy is likely to be secured by a selfish isolation on the part of this country, but, on the contrary, by sympathy with other countries, not only with their prosperity, but with their anxieties and troubles. And if such a policy be pursued, I have myself no doubt that when an occasion may arise when the influence of England is necessary to maintain the peace of the world, that influ ence will not be found inefficient because it is founded upon respect and regard. With regard to our domestic | policy, I say at once that the present administration will pursue a liberal policy. I mean a truly liberal policy. A policy that will not shrink from any changes which are required by the wants of the age that we live in, but will never forget that it is our happy lot to dwell in an ancient and historic country, rich in traditionary influences that are the best security for order and liberty, and the most valuable element of our national character and our national strength. Speaking of our domestic policy, I must express the deep mortification which this as well as the late administra tion feels that, in one of the most interesting and impor tant portions of the United Kingdom, we are obliged still to retain the suspension of the most important security of the personal liberty of the subject. But I will express the same opinion which Lord Derby expressed when he was at the head of affairs-we look upon the Act not as an Act against the Irish people, but as a means of protecting the Irish people from the machinations of an unprincipled foreign confederation. And though I do not for a moment pretend to conceal my deep regret at still continuing the suspension of the Act, I think the parliament and the country and all sides must find great consolation in this result, that in an enlightened age of temperate opinions the suspension of the Habeas Corpus has not been found inconsistent with a just, impartial, and even lenient administration of the law. I trust and believe that the agitations which prevail in Ireland are disappearing, and will soon altogether disappear; and that then the house will proceed to introducing and carrying measures for the amelioration of the condition of the country. I do not doubt that they will proceed with circumspection; and if they proceed with an anxious desire to conciliate the enlightened and temperate opinions of all parties, they will be successful in greatly enhancing the prosperity of the country and the happiness of its people. I will not dwell in detail upon these matters, because the few observations may make may be misrepresented, and that should be avoided on occasions like the present, and the interest

I