spirit was shown there--the people accepting the inevitable consequences of the war with resignation and with fortitude. The measures taken for the relief of the existing distress were on a scale of extraordinary magnitude, and were worthy of the occasion; subscriptions poured in from all quarters, the country answering with no uncertain voice the appeal which had been raised. The war had also caused the subject of the supply of cotton to be discussed largely, and had led to the opening of new fields for its production in India, which had been attended with so much success, that it was confidently hoped that in the course of years Indian cotton would be produced in a sufficient quantity to meet the requirements of the mother-country. The death of the Prince Consort still continued to exercise so depressing an effect upon her Majesty that she was unable to appear in public or to assist in the opening of parlia ment. This being so, the work of the session was commenced by the lord chancellor, who read the queen's. speech, which, so far as was interesting, is as follows. Her faithful commons were informed that easily defined. He represented the English novel as | Lancashire and Liverpool, a calmer and more judicial the direct representative of Fielding. Other men wrote more popular stories, but he excelled all men in an intellectual representation of intellectual English life, in reflecting the thought, sentiment, taste, of the classes whose character determines the opinion of posterity about each generation. He was even more a philosopher than a painter, and more a thinker than a humourist, although he was an admirable painter and an admirable humourist. His culture supplied an adequate basis to his observation. He probably knew no English writers better than he knew Horace and Montaigne, and he was always grateful to Charterhouse for the discipline which enabled him, though his life was not properly a studious one, to interpenetrate his thoroughly modern dissertation with the essential spirit of the purest classical subtlety. "Those who were honoured with the friendship of this memorable man-who saw him at home-who knew the real truth about his disposition and private conduct are alone able to do him justice in these respects. He was one of the kindest men living of his time-hospitable, generous, charitable, tolerant in a degree which would have been a distinction in itself to a man distinguished for nothing else. His principles, too, were conspicuously sound. He honoured above all men those writers who had devoted their lives to the service of virtue; and shrinking as he did from every thing like cant, he never lost an opportunity of paying his personal homage to the religious institutions and sentiments of the country." WILLIAM MULREADY, ESQ., R.A.-This skilful artist was born at Ennis, in the county of Clare, Ireland, of a thoroughly Celtic family, in the year 1786. He was only fourteen years of age when admitted a student of the Royal Academy; but previous to that, he for some time practised drawing in a sculptor's studio. He was an imitator of the Dutch masters. He afterwards had great success in numerous pictures. About thirty years before his death he obtained a very high reputation, developing new and essentially artistic qualities, particularly exquisite purity of colour and consummate refinement and variety of execution. His drawings in black and red chalk are said by connoisseurs to resemble those of the old masters. Our National Gallery is much enriched by the pictures of this man of remarkable genius. CHAPTER VII. Parliamentary- -Finance Public Works--Judicial and Ecclesiastical THE PARLIAMENTARY SESSION OF 1864. A.D. 1864. "Her Majesty was confident they would share her feeling of gratitude to Almighty God on account of the Princess of Wales having given birth to a son-an event which has called forth from her faithful people renewed demonstrations of devoted loyalty and attachment to her person and family. "The state of affairs on the continent of Europe has been the cause of great anxiety to her Majesty. The death of the late King of Denmark brought into immediate application the stipulation of the treaty of May 1852, concluded by her Majesty, the Emperor of Austria, the Emperor of the French, the King of Prussia, the Emperor of Russia, the King of Sweden, and the King of Denmark; and afterwards acceded to by the King of Hunover, the King of Saxony, the King of Würtemberg, the King of the Belgians, the King of the Netherlands, the Queen of Spain, the King of Portugal, and the King of Sardinia. peace "That treaty declared that it is conducive to the preservation of the balance of power and of the of Europe that the integrity of the Danish monarchy should be maintained, and that the several territories which have hitherto been under the sway of the King of Denmark should continue so to remain; and for this purpose it was agreed that, in the event of the death of the late king and of his uncle Prince Frederick without issue, his present Majesty, King Christian IX., should be acknowledged as succeeding to all the dominions then united under the sceptre of his Majesty the King of Denmark. "Her Majesty, actuated by the same desire to preserve the peace of Europe, which was one of the declared objects of all the powers who were parties to that treaty, has been unremitting in her endeavours to bring about a peaceful settlement of all the difficulties which, on this matter, have arisen between Germany mitted in Japan upon subjects of her Majesty rendered it necessary that demands should be made upon the Japanese government and upon the Daimio by whose retainers some of these outrages were committed. THE opening of parliament, on the 4th of and Denmark, and to ward off the dangers which might February, hardly disturbed the quietness follow from a beginning of warfare in the north of and general indifference as to home and Europe, and her Majesty will continue her efforts in the foreign affairs which had reigned for some months pre-interest of peace. vious. At home, trade was prospering and industry and "The barbarous murders and cruel assaults comactivity prevailed. Abroad there was little to interest, if the struggle in Denmark and the protracted war in the United States of North America be excepted. As to Denmark, the policy of the government being one of non-interference, the country was not actively engaged in the matter, and although general sympathy was shown for the Danes, a state almost lethargic prevailed as to their affairs. The United States war had now entered upon the fourth year of its existence, so that people were getting accustomed to the struggle; and it required the news of some fresh battle to be promulgated, before the indifference which prevailed could be dispelled. Although this indifference did not prevail in "The government of the Tycoon complied with the demand made upon them by her Majesty's government; and full satisfaction having been made, the friendly relations between the two governments have continued unbroken. But the Daimio Prince of Satsuma refused to comply with the just and moderate demands which were made upon him. "His refusal rendered measures of coercion necessary, and her Majesty regrets that while these measures have "The insurrection which broke out last year among some portion of the inhabitants of New Zealand still unfortunately continues, but there is reason to hope that it will before long be put down. "Her Majesty commands us to inform you that she has concluded a treaty with the Emperor of Austria, the Emperor of the French, the King of Prussia, and the Emperor of Russia, by which her Majesty consents to give up the protectorate of the Ionian Islands, and also agrees to the annexation of those islands to the kingdom of Greece. Her Majesty is also negotiating a treaty with the King of the Hellenes for regulating the arrangements connected with the union of the Ionian Islands with the kingdom of Greece. brought this Daimio to an agreement for compliance, | England to follow her. In regard to Mexico, it had they led incidentally to the destruction of a considerable been often stated that it was not the intention of portion of the town of Kagosima. England to take any part in altering the government of that country; and as soon as it was understood that such was not the policy of France, it became obligatory on the part of the government to separate from that of the emperor. It was said that England had declined to join with France in endeavouring to reconcile the Federals and the Confederates. It was obvious that if such a proposal had been made by the two governments and rejected, the recognition of the South must have followed. Such interference, instead of doing good, would only give offence, and there would be more chance, he thought, of the contending parties coming to terms if they were left to themselves. Referring to affairs in Denmark, Earl Russell gave an account of the circumstances out of which the difficulties in question had arisen. Austria and Prussia had, he stated, taken a course with reference to this matter which was neither intelligible nor consistent. They had proceeded to occupy Schleswig as a material guarantee to enforce the fulfilment of the engagements of 1851, thereby acknowledging King Christian to be Duke of Schleswig, whose title the other powers-members of the Diet-denied in favour of the Prince of Augustenburg. Austria and Prussia had then given notice to Denmark, that, under the penalty of war, she should revoke the constitution of November within forty-eight houra. England had advised that the constitution should be so revoked, and Russia had made the same recommendation; but the "Her Majesty commands us to inform you that the condition of the country is, on the whole, satisfactory. The revenue has fully realized its expected amount; and while the distress in the manufacturing districts has been in some degree lessened, there is reason to look forward to an increased supply of cotton from various countries which have but scantily furnished our manufacturers with this material for their industry. 'Her Majesty has directed that a commission shall be issued for the purpose of revising the various forms of subscription and declaration required to be made by the clergy of the established church." And in conclusion "various measures of public use- King of Denmark, as a constitutional king, required fulness" were promised. In the House of Lords the Marquis of Sligo moved and Lord Abercrombie seconded the address. Lord Derby then rose, and, in the course of a long speech, entered into a searching criticism of the foreign policy of the government. He said they were told that the present government was the only one which could maintain a good understanding with the Emperor of the French, and that the policy of the government was essentially one of non-intervention. The foreign policy of the noble lord, the minister for foreign affairs, so far as non-intervention was concerned, might be summed up, he said, in two homely but expressive words"meddle and muddle." There was no country in whose internal affairs he had not interfered, and during the whole course of his diplomatic correspondence, whereever he had interfered, he had been lecturing, scolding, blustering, and retreating. Thanks to him, England had not one friend in Europe, and the country was now in such a position that its menaces were disregarded, its magniloquent language ridiculed, and its remonstrances treated with contemptuous indifference, by the small as well as by the great powers. So far from keeping on good terms with the emperor, England had thwarted him on many occasions. From the Mexican expedition England had withdrawn, it had not supported his policy in relation to the Confederate States of America, and had declined his proposition for a congress. Referring to Denmark, the noble earl expressed his earnest hope that the government would be able to give them an assurance that the country was not committed either to a conflict with Germany, or to the abandonment of an ally who had trusted to the protection of England. America was next, and in conclusion, referred to, and here also he saw the "meddle and muddle" interference of Earl Russell, for the Confederates were offended, and the Federals had sent in a claim re the Alabama, which out-blustered even the foreign secretary's arro gance. Earl Russell denied that he had interfered unwarrantably in the affairs of other countries, and said, in reference to France, that he was sure the emperor himself must see, as a just and intelligent man, that there were many courses which it might be advisable for France to take, in which it would not be wise or practicable for time to convoke the Rigsraad, in order to obtain the sanction of that assembly to that step. In order to give security for the compliance of Denmark, it had been proposed that there should be a protocol recording in the names of France, Great Britain, Russia, and Sweden, the intention of the Danish government to make the required concession; but the German powers had rejected this proposition, excusing themselves for their non-compliance because of the commotion in Germany which would be aroused by their non-occupation of Schleswig. The English minister at Berlin had addressed Herr von Bismarck, requesting to know whether the Prussian government still admitted the validity of the treaty obligations of 1852; but a very equivocating and vague answer had been received, which could only be judged by the light of future events; up to the present time, therefore, nothing more material than advice had been offered to Denmark. He did not think that any serious disturbance of the peace could take place in Europe whilst three such powers as England, France, and Russia were animated by peaceable intentions. In conclusion the noble lord stated that the government had well considered the policy which they should pursue in regard to foreign affairs, and on that policy they were prepared to stand or fall. After some words from Earls Grey and Granville the debate was at an end, and the address adopted without a division. The debate in the House of Commons was of rather longer duration, and although of the same character― principally referring to foreign affairs,-was infinitely more noisy. The mover was Lord Robert Grosvenor and the seconder Mr. Göschen, who but very recently had been elected for the City of London. Mr. Disraeli followed with a very caustic speech, which was answered by Lord Palmerston, the debate being continued at great length by Lord John Manners, Mr. Hennessey, Mr. Whiteside, Sir John Packington, Mr. Gladstone, and other members. It was noticeable that the balance of opinion was unfavourable to the government, their foreign policy being condemned in no very measured terms. The address was, however, agreed to without a division. On the bringing up of the customary report on the address, the absence of reference to Ireland in the queen's speech was the cause of prolonged discussion. | greater length than usual this session. The successful Mr. Whiteside, in drawing the attention of the house to the matter, said that the two great branches of the national industry, distillation and paper manufacture, were in a very depressed condition; and so wide-spread was the distress amongst the population, that the last thirteen months had witnessed the departure of 100,000 men from Ireland to swell the ranks of the Federal army in America For a good deal of the discontent and distress he blamed the mode in which the government of Ireland was carried on-through the medium of chief secretaries, and hoped the attention of parliament would be directed to the subject. The chief secretary for Ireland, in answering the right hon. gentleman, said that emigration was but the natural result of Ireland's inability to find employment for her peasantry, and though he did not think it an immense misfortune that emigration should continue, he admitted that it was a sad thing that it should be used for the purpose of recruiting the Federal army. On the whole the condition of Ireland was better than it had been for some years previously; and there was observable a great and constant increase in the social and domestic comfort of the agricultural classes. The attorneygeneral for Ireland followed with the statement that there was not at that time any country in the world more free from crime than Ireland. With a speech from Mr. Bentinck the debate concluded without prac- | tical result. financial policy of the last few years, and the absence o any war or disaster which could have caused a large expenditure, had resulted in causing a surplus to be shown in the public accounts, so that much interest and even anxiety was felt as to the mode in which Mr. Gladstone would deal with the revenue. The statement which the right hon. gentleman made on the 7th April was accordingly listened to with great attention. He stated that the estimated expenditure for the previous year was £68,283,000, the actual expenditure being only £67,056,000. The estimates for the army amounted to £15,469,000; the real amount was £14,638,000. The navy estimates were £10,736,000, the actual amount being £10,821,000. The miscellaneous estimates were £7,805,000; the actual expenditure was £7,702,000. The estimated revenue was £68,171,000, the actual amount being £70,208,000, showing a surplus of £2,037,000. The revenue, therefore, as compared with previous years, with 1858-59 for instance, showed an increase of £1,200,000, a sure test of the growth and strength of the resources of the country, the elasticity of which had replaced the loss occasioned by the reduction of taxation. It was a sure calculation that the revenue was increasing,. from its inherent vigour, at a rate exceeding a million a year. The amount of the balances in the exchequer was £7,352,000; the extent of the liquidation of the public debt within the year £3,366,000, the total capital of the debt being then £791,574,000, the decrease since 1815 being £6,435,000. He stated that the trade and industry of the country had wonderfully increased-the movement in trade, including imports and exports, being shown by the following figures:-the aggregate amount in 1861 was £377,000,000; in 1862, £391,000,000, and in 1863, £444,000,000. This latter sum was about three times the trade of the country as it stood in 1843, and it represented as nearly as possible £1,500,000 for every working day in the year. This astonishing result he stated as having arisen from the care with which parliament had fostered the resources and guarded the expenditure of the country, establishing his case conclusively by minute reference to the trade, including imports and exports, for many preceding years. Proceeding then to consider the financial prospects for 1864-65, he estimated the total amount of the expenditure at £66,890,000, and that of the revenue at £69,460,000, leaving a surplus of £2,570,000. Con The subject of Irish emigration was again brought forward when, later in the session, Mr. Pope Hennessey moved "that the house observes with regret that the agricultural population of Ireland are rapidly leaving the country, and that this house trusts that her Majesty's government will direct their attention to the subject, with a view of devising some means by which the Irish agricultural population may be induced to devote their capital and labour to reproductive employment at home." In the course of his speech he suggested three coursesthe adoption of either of which would be beneficial to Ireland-the passing of legislative measures that would rostore concord between landlord and tenant; the employment of public money in public and reproductive work; and the reclamation of waste lands. Sir Robert Peel's reply was singularly meagre, as he merely contented himself with showing that the condition of Ireland was improving, and that the effects of the emigration from her shores would be beneficial to the country, by reducing the number of those who considering the disposal of this surplus he enumerated a sumed more than they produced. The speeches which were made during this debate teemed with suggestions for the relief of Ireland. The relations of landlord and tenant were by some looked upon as the root of the evil, others advocated a modification of the laws relating to the tenure of land, whilst on the other hand the cornlaws, it was said, should be re-enacted, as their repeal had acted more than disadvantageously to Ireland; and lastly, the emigration was explained by more than one member as having arisen because of the large sums sent over from America to facilitate it, and the little temptation offered to the peasantry to remain at home. Lord Palmerston, who closed the discussion, asked Mr. Hennessey not to press his motion. He regretted that emigration should find favour in the eyes of the Irish people; but if they found themselves better off in another country than in their own, it would be unkind to prevent their leaving. He stated it as his deliberate opinion that it was impossible by legislation to alter the laws that regulate human society. By moving the "previous question" the division practically took place on the question whether the resolution should be introduced or not; and there appeared for the government 80 votes, for Mr. Hennessey 52, showing a majority in favour of the government of 28 votes. Financial affairs, occupying as they do always no inconsiderable portion of public time, were debated at variety of minor changes and modifications he proposed reductions would cause a loss to revenue of £2,332,000, some other duties. The country was overrun with the relief to taxation would be over £3,000,000, and societies offering most attractive terms, and promising the surplus would stand at £238,000. The discussion to pay amounts of interest which could not be paid which followed showed that the financial policy of the under any honest management, and therefore it was the government was on the whole approved; but opposition bounden duty of Parliament to look into the circumwas threatened on the question of the malt and fire- stances of these societies. It was in the highest sense insurance duties. In committee of ways and means, the duty of the government to give to the owners of the budget was, so far as related to the income-tax, small savings the advantage of a scheme which held passed almost without discussion. The proposed reduc- forth no meretricious attractions, but merely offered a tion of the fire-insurance duties was assailed by Mr. low rate of interest with absolute and certain security. H. B. Sheridan, who moved that instead of a reduction There were three classes of societies which it was stated of 1s. 6d. per cent. upon stock in trade, there should be would be affected by the proposition of the government: a reduction of duty generally to 1s. per cent. upon all first, the principal assurance societies; second, the minor descriptions of property insured. Upon a division the assurance societies; and third, the friendly societies. proposition of Mr. Gladstone was carried by 170 votes The leading societies, however, did not desire small to 117. The malt duties were next brought before the business; and they were aware the government business house by Colonel Barttelot, who advocated their reduc- must be small. The minor insurance companies and tion; but after considerable discussion the house sup- the friendly societies did not provide for the wants of ported the government by a majority of 148 votes, the the country. The main reason for the introduction of number being for the government 247, against 99 votes. the bill was the strong representations which had been An attempt made later in the session for the same made from all parts of the land, complaining of the object, although it met with a little more success, was fraud, irregularities, and swindling of what were called defeated on a division by 166 votes to 118. A con- friendly societies. The two questions for the consideracession was made, however, by the government, whc tion of the house, were, first, as to the safety of the introduced a bill for remitting so much of the duty as plan; and next, as to its justice. As to its safety, it had hitherto been levied upon malt used for consump- would be on the same footing as the friendly societies. tion by cattle, which eventually passed both houses. As to its justice: if it were desirable that such business The re-arrangement of the sugar duties proposed by should be transacted by private bodies, there could be Mr. Gladstone caused considerable discussion, resolu- no injustice in the government undertaking to do so. tions adverse being moved by Mr. Craufurd and Mr. J. M. Smith. Both resolutions were signally defeated, the former by 133 votes to 17, the latter by 97 votes to 14. With these divisions the discussions upon the budget ceased, and its propositions received the sanction of parliament. The chancellor of the exchequer introduced a bill to amend the laws relating to the collection of the land tax, assessed taxes, and the income tax, by substituting for the system now in practice that which had succeeded so well in Scotland and Ireland. The measure was defeated by a small majority on the third reading, and was accordingly lost. i The measure received at the hands of the house the most searching scrutiny, but was eventually passed. the 3rd of The question of Irish taxation was brought under the notice of the house by Colonel Dunne, who moved for a committee to inquire into the subject. This was resisted by Mr. Gladstone, who declined to accede to the motion, because he wished to avoid the risk of holding out any expectation that any great changes could be expected; and he thought it would be advisable for the house not to pledge itself to any plan or proposal for carrying out any fundamental alteration in our system of taxation, because such fundamental changes were not required by justice, and secondly, because they would be found to be impracticable in consequence of the obstacles they would have to encounter. After a little discussion the motion was withdrawn. The army estimates were moved on March by the Marquis of Hartington. Those of last year were £15,060,237, of the present year £14,844,888; thus showing a decrease of £215,349. The number of men to be maintained during the year was 146,654, exclusive of establishments, showing a reduction of 1,464 men, as compared with last year. The discussion upon the various items of the estimates turned chiefly upon matters of detail and points of military organization. The cost of the army in its various branches was much dwelt upon, and comparisons were entered into between the state of our army and that of France; the result of the discussion appearing to show that although unquestionably the English army was, in proportion to its numbers, considerably more costly than that of France, yet the different mode of distributing and stating the various charges in the public accounts, and the complications thence arising, rendered it extremely difficult to produce an accurate comparison of the relative cost per The estimates were subseman in the two armies. quently agreed to. A bill for amending the laws relating to the purchase of government annuities through the medium of savingsbanks, and to enable the granting of life insurances by the government, was introduced by Mr. Gladstone; and he explained that at present sums could be received for deferred annuities only in large amounts, and the object of the bill was to enable them to take smaller sums, through the medium of the post-office savings-bank, and to abolish the restriction which allowed those only who had purchased deferred annuities to become life-insurers to the amount of £100. The bill received a second reading almost without opposition, but on the question that it be committed, the most serious opposition was raised. The directors of some of the leading companies regarded it as fraught with injury to their establishments, and a crowded meeting of actuaries and others was held, at which it was decided to oppose the measure at all hazards. Mr. Gladstone, therefore, on its next stage, made a long statement in defence of the bill. He said the measure had not grown out of any consideration of the case of assurance societies, but from the consideration of friendly societies, and from the wholesale deception, fraud, and swindling perpetrated upon a helpless and defenceless portion of the community. It had been said that friendly societies were the creation of private trade The navy estimates were introduced by the secretary and private enterprise. But that was not the fact. of the admiralty (Lord Clarence Paget). The estimates Before 1828 all such societies were actually subsidized for the year 1864-5 amounted to £10,432,610, as against by government, as they received from government £10,736,032 in the previous year, thus showing a reduc£4 11s. per annum for every £100; and up to 1844 all tion of £303,422. The manner in which that result was such societies subsequently established, received £3 16s. brought about, was by a reduction in the number of the per annum for every £100: and this whilst the govern-personnel and also the matériel-qualified, however, to ment could only obtain £3 5s. per annum, on an average, on every £100. They were also subsidized in that they had exemption in respect of income-tax, stamps, and some extent by an increase in the vote for the wages of dockyard workmen, and the vote for public works. With regard to the personnel, it was proposed to reduce it by 500 seamen, 1,500 coast-guardsmen, and 2,000 boys, and to take for the service of the coming year 71,950 men and boys as against 76,000 for the previous year. The navy was not retrograding, but advancing. On the 1st of February, 1863, we had armour-plated ships in commission, this year there were 7; last year there were 41 frigates, this year 42; last year 98 sloops and gunboats, this year 99; last year 11 line-of-battle ships, this year 10. The result showing a total of seagoing vessels this year of 158, as compared with 154 last year. With regard to the armour-plated vessels, there were then seven in commission; six more by the end of the year, and six others in the course of next year; and it was also intended to build a ship like the Alabama, which would be a vessel of great speed, and for the purpose of cruising. These estimates were agreed to after a long discussion. A supplemental naval estimate was afterwards presented on the part of the government, for the amount requisite to enable them to make an increase in the pay and retirement allowances of naval officers, which was agreed to. In the course of the discussions upon the naval estimates, an episode of a somewhat extraordinary nature occurred, affecting the conduct, and in the event inducing the resignation, of Mr. Stansfeld, one of the members for Halifax, and junior lord of the admiralty. It appeared that at a recent trial in Paris of one Greco, and other persons, for a conspiracy to assassinate the Emperor of the French, it had been stated by the Procureur-general, in his speech, that a paper had been found in the possession of one of the accused parties, directing him to write for money to Mr. Flower, at 35, Thurloe Square, Brompton, where, the procureur added, a member of the English parliament resided, who in 1855 had been appointed banker to the Tibaldi conspiracy against the emperor's life. The address given being that of Mr. Stansfeld, he was called upon for an explanation. He denied that any person named Greco or Flowers lived there or ever had letters addressed to them at that address. Shortly afterwards the subject was revived by Sir Henry Tracy, who moved "that the speech of the Procureurgeneral on the trial of Greco, implicating a member of the house and of her Majesty's government in the plot for assassinating our ally, the Emperor of the French, deserves the serious consideration of this house." The discussion which followed was very animated, Mr. Stansfeld admitting that he had allowed M. Mazzini to have his letters directed to his private address, under the name of "M. Fiore" (of which the translation is "Flower"). Mr. P. A. Taylor and other gentlemen said they had for years placed their addresses at the disposal of M. Mazzini, to whom letters were necessarily always sent under false names. Upon a division the motion was defeated by a majority of 10 votes, the numbers being 171 against 161. A few days afterwards Mr. Stansfeld resigned office, Lord Palmerston saying that with regard to the insinuations and aspersions which had been thrown out, he repudiated them with disdain, as being altogether unsupported by proof, and utterly devoid of foundation. The vacancy thus occasioned was subsequently filled up by the appointment of Mr. Childers. Foreign politics occupied a large amount of time and discussion during the session, the controversy respecting Schleswig-Holstein lasting for a considerable period, and the discussions being frequent and of great duration. The conference which had been proposed and adopted having failed of its purpose, the foreign policy of the government in its entirety was largely condemned, and votes of censure were moved early in July in both houses. The Earl of Malmesbury moved the vote in the House of Lords, but the absence of Earl Derby and other noble lords through ill-health rendered the discussion more than usually tame, and, upon a division, the resolution was carried by nine votes, the numbers being, for 177, against 168. In the House of Commons the debate lasted for four nights, and was continued with unflagging energy and brilliant oratory; Mr. Disraeli leading the attack with consummate ability. He entered very fully into a review of the transactions which had led to the present embroilment, the circumstances attending the formation of the treaty of 1852, and the policy of the English parliament, as indicated on various occasions by the language of Lord Palmerston and Earl Russell, in reference to the situation of Denmark. The speech of Mr. Gladstone in reply was most elaborate. The policy of the government, he observed, had been to bring Denmark to fulfil her engagement of 1852, and the Germans to moderate their views. On the accession of the present King of Denmark, the object of the government was to maintain the treaty of 1852, and to endeavour to bind the powers of Europe to uphold it. But a new doctrine was promulgated by Austria and Prussia with reference to that treaty, which, in their opinion, altered its position. Her Majesty's government, believing it was for the advantage of Europe to uphold that treaty, thought it their duty to endeavour to obtain the co-operation of other powers, and rally them in support of it. These efforts failed, but the parties really responsible for the consequences of the failure were those who first receded from the treaty. After the refusal of France and Russia, he admitted that the tone of the government had altered. Single-handed, the interference of England would be useless. He justified the course taken by the government in the conference, having to deal, among other difficulties, with the resolute determination of the Danish people not to agree to the project of a personal union of the duchies, and he affirmed that the policy of England, if it had failed of its immediate object, had avoided the perils of a general war in Europe. Mr. Kinglake then moved an amendment to Mr. Disraeli's resolution, expressive of the satisfaction felt because of the advice which had been given by her Majesty's ministers to her Majesty to abstain from armed interference in the war then going on between Denmark and the German powers. In the course of the debate Mr. Cobden made one of his most famous speeches; Mr. Roebuck was, as usual, sarcastic at the expense of the government, but ended by supporting it; Mr. Horsman, Mr. Layard, Mr. Bernal Osborne, amongst others, spoke in support of the government, whilst Lord Stanley, Lord Robert Cecil, Mr. Walpole, and others, supported Mr. Disraeli. The debate having been wound up by speeches from Mr. Disraeli and Lord Palmerston, there appeared-for the government 313, for Mr. Disraeli 295, being a majority in favour of the government of 18 votes. This division was made the great trial of strength between the two parties, and it was feared by many that the majority would have been much less than 18 votes, if, indeed, the government could find more supporters than opponents. The war with Ashantee afforded the opportunity for another great trial of strength, on the ground of exces sive military expenditure, as it amounted to £11,000 or £14,000. The motion of censure was opposed by the Marquis of Hartington, who was indignant at the charges and confident that they would not receive the support of the house. In the result the motion of censure was defeated by a majority of seven votes only, the numbers being, for the motion 226, and against it 233. Affairs in New Zealand were searchingly discussed, on the proposition by the government to guarantee a loan of £1,000,000, at 4 per cent. per annum, out of the imperial revenue for the service of that colony; but although the proposition was warmly opposed, it was embodied in a bill, and became law before the end of the session. There were many debates upon American affairs, the difficulties which the circumstances of the civil war in America imposed on the British government at this period being very considerable. The cases of the Alabama, the Alexandria, and others, opening up many |
