Neither was Mr. Knowles's pen thrown idly by: polemical theology now became his study, and he published two works embodying his views and principles in opposition to the Romanist doctrines; the one bearing the title "The Rock of Rome," the other, "The Idol demolished by its own Priests." Some novels and tales had previously emanated from him. Mr. Knowles was, before his retirement, favourably recognised as a lecturer on elocution, and other subjects of a kindred nature. Sir Robert Peel, who would never, if possible, allow real literary merit to go unrewarded, obtained for him a pension from the crown of £200 a year, as a recognition of his literary abilities and high morality as a dramatic and general author. JOHN L. ADOLPHUS, ESQ.-On December 24, at Hyde Park Square, died John Leycester Adolphus, Esq., M.A., judge of the Marylebone county court, solicitor-general of the County Palatine of Durham, and a bencher of the Hon. Society of the Inner Temple. Mr. Adolphus was elected as head monitor to a fellowship at St. John's, Oxford, in 1811, and carried off the Newdigate English verse prize in 1814, also the chancellor's prize for an English essay in 1818-previous to which he had been, in 1815, placed in the second class in classics, together with Dr. Cotton, provost of Worcester, Dr. Hinds, late bishop of Norwich, and Dr. Wynter. He achieved, as the author of "Letters to Richard Heber, Esq., containing critical remarks on the series of novels beginning with 'Waverley,' and an attempt to ascertain their author," published in 1821, a very appreciable and rather distinguished position in the literature of the day. Those letters tended to prove that Sir Walter Scott was the author of the novels constituting their purport. The work was remarkable for great acumen and perspicuity; and the cogency of the arguments it contained was subsequently, with great frankness, admitted by Sir Walter, who invited Mr. Adolphus on a visit to Abbotsford in 1823, of which visit, as also of those subsequently paid by him to the great novelist's home in 1827, 1830, and 1831, he contributed an account to Mr. Lockhart's Life of Scott. For many years he was one of the most active members of the committee of General Literature and Education, and of the Christian Knowledge Society, and shortly before his death was appointed steward, or legal adviser, to St. John's College; a restoration to the circle of his University associations, which he much prized. He was an earnest promoter of the interests of the literary fund. "Letters from Spain," a work in one volume, embodying the results of two summer tours made in 1856 and 1857, is a pleasing and descriptive volume, and happily illustrates great powers of observation. REV. DR. LEIFCHILD.-Among the eminent men called away during the year 1862, was the Rev. Dr. Leifchild, for many years minister of Craven Chapel, London. Dr. Leifchild was the son of a cooper living at Barnet. His father was a Wesleyan Methodist, his mother a decided Calvinist. When sixteen years of age, he was apprenticed to a cooper at St. Alban's. From his very childhood he states himself, in a very interesting autobiography, to have been the subject of religious impressions, and always under the influence of religious restraint. His early faith seems to have received a bias from his mother's doctrines, and he attended a Calvinistic chapel at Whetstone, where Matthews, the bookseller, and father of the comedian, was the usual preacher. While pursuing his humble calling with diligence, he says of himself, "that he had a consciousness of being born to something better than the drudgery of trade." In fact, impelled by the example of the preachers whom he had been accustomed to hear in the chapels attended by his parents, he aspired to be a preacher, for which calling he felt he had a natural genius. To cultivate this talent he used to attend the sermons of the Rev. Samuel Nicholson, a very eloquent preacher at the Abbey Church, and would repeat in private much of his discourses, endeavouring "to imitate his almost matchless elocution." His first public discourse was a speech at a Wesleyan class-meeting, which, though with much trepidation, he delivered with great liberty to himself, and acceptance from those who heard him. While still a lad he married; but his wife was not long spared to him. He removed to London, both for the purposes of obtaining employment, and for the opportunity of hearing the best preachers. His talent for preaching was rapidly developing, and he was often asked to take the place of some "local preachers" of the Wesleyan persuasion, and sometimes delivered as many as four discourses on a Sabbath afternoon. This hard practice gave him fluency and boldness. He broke away, however, from the Wesleyan connection, on the ground of "effectual calling"-the views of that body not being, in his opinion, sufficiently Calvinistic-and joined the Independents. Up to this time he was, by his own account, entirely uneducated; but this must be taken to mean uneducated in respect of theological and doctrinal learning, for he speaks of his early fondness for reading and writing, and his skill in playing upon some instruments of music. Now, however, he found friends and admirers who placed him at the Hoxton Academy, instituted to train young men for the Independent ministry. Though the course of study at this college was not very profound, it gave to his mind that training which alone was necessary to make available his very peculiar powers. His singular talents for preaching, and riveting the attention of large congregations, soon attracted notice; and he was scarcely twenty-eight when he was chosen for the ministry of the Hornton Street Chapel, Kensington, where he became very popular. His personal character, moreover, was such that he obtained the respect of his neighbours of all creeds, was on terms of friendship with the vicar and eminent churchmen, and even received attention from the dukes of Kent and Sussex. He again married in 1811, and this union was blessed by long duration and great happiness. He was soon after invited to a ministry in which his great powers could be exercised in a more extended sphere he was placed in the Bridge Street Chapel, at Bristol, with an unanimity and earnestness which was highly gratifying. Here his fame as a preacher widely increased; and he was now recognised as one of the leading Dissenting ministers-fame which speaks the more markedly of his merits, inasmuch as there were at this time at Bristol two other remarkable preachers, whose names have spread beyond the bounds of their sect. After six years of utility and fame at Bristol, Dr. Leifchild was invited to take pastoral charge of the Craven Chapel, in London. He hesitated long, and accepted unwillingly, in spite of the advice of friends, and the entreaties of his Bristol congregation that he would not abandon them. The event proved that he had judged wisely, for his sphere of usefulness became very widely extended, and the influence of his ministry was incalculable. He gave himself to the work with a zeal and devotedness which carried all before him like a strong tide; he was possessed with the tremendous responsibility of his mission, and addressed himself to every detail of ministerial labour with unflagging ardour and energy. After thirty-seven years of devoted services, Dr. Leifchild found the access of age telling upon his powers, and surrendered his charge into the hands of less-exhausted labourers; but not into idleness or indifference. He retired to Brighton, where he took charge of a newlyerected chapel, where, if his labours were lighter, they were not less energetic than they had been in London. In 1856 he lost his wife. He deemed this privation as a warning that his own term was approaching. He retired from public duties, and devoted himself to the preparation for his own calling. He retired to London, where he died, full of years and honour. In addition to the duties of his peculiar charges, Dr. | ordeal to which the Lancashire operatives were subLeifchild, in the course of his busy and highly-honoured jected, it was borne with the most exemplary patience. public life, ministered occasionally in almost every city The people took it upon themselves to be judges in their and town in the country, and was in the habit of re- own cause, and, with that sagacity inherent in the marking that hardly a seat of large population could be English character for discriminating between right and named in which he had not once or oftener exercised his wrong, they decided that neither the government nor sacred calling. the laws emanating from it could be held responsible for the misfortunes that overwhelmed them. Dr. Leifchild was a very zealous co-operator with the great philanthropic and religious movements and societies around him, and his name was widely known and respected in circles where, as a mere Dissenting minister, he would not have been appreciated. One of the great objects of his life was to promote Christian union, and with this view he cherished for many years the project of a society founded upon a basis of great truths held in common, and minor truths, or denominational distinctions, held in abeyance. The first public meeting of the Evangelical Alliance was held at Craven Chapel under his arrangement. Good men of all shades of evangelical belief he loved from his heart, and it may be affirmed that such men loved him. The degree of Doctor of Divinity was conferred on Mr. Leifchild by the University of New York. CHAPTER VI. The Cotton Famine-Political Situation-Parliamentary Session- THE COTTON FAMINE. TREAT BRITAIN, at the commenceA.D. Ument of the year 1863, presented a 1863. national aspect eminently calculated to render her people self-trusting, industrious, and contented. Such practical moral philosophy was not without its beneficent results. The spectacle of a large population, numbering many thousands, in passive, not to say dignified, endurance of all the miseries extreme poverty inflicts-their decadence from independent industry to compulsory inertitude not being attributable to any infraction by them of the moral code which prescribes subordination to law and order-awakened the heartfelt sympathy of all classes of their more fortunate fellow-countrymen. Charity is at all times, and under all circumstances, an ennobling sentiment; but on this memorable occasion, it was charity and something more which prompted the munificent contributions flowing in from all parts of the empire. Universal admiration for the calmness and unexampled fortitude evinced by the Lancashire operatives, successfully invoked philanthropic sympathies which would have been inaccessible to ordinary appeals. A proof of such popular respect for social order inspired action as a duty among a wealthy and influential class who are, as a rule, averse to charitable administration upon an extended scale for the relief of the artisan and mechanical sections of the community, on the principle that it tends to pauperise those industrial elements, lessen self-respect, and leave an indelible taint on the mind and morale of the recipients. But the absence of anything like demoralization at this terrible crisis was justly appreciated. By a pleasing fiction gifts were substituted for alms, and the class referred to came open-handed and open-hearted to the rescue their spontaneous liberality tempering the operatives themselves to the acceptance of the eleemosynary, and therefore to them objectionable, type of the aid furnished from the poor-rates. And to the sufferers, who were too numerous to admit of being supplied with more than the mere necessaries of life, it proved not a little consoling that they were not left totally dependent on the poor-law system. A sum exceeding three-quarters of a million in voluntary contributions from various parts of the country, and from the colonies, formed a Relief Fund by the end of January; the relief was timely. This fund was administered by committees in weekly disbursements, such control and allocation being gratuitously undertaken and discharged. Nor did any lapse of efficiency occur from those non-official services. Their mission was one of far more than material import, and its duties were nobly fulfilled. In a social, religious, political, and commercial point of view, her prosperity appeared more than ever stable and progressive. Sects and parties were tolerant and forbearing. The revenue, despite several recent incidents of finance, involving drafts on our monetary resources somewhat of an exhaustive nature, and other drawbacks, showed, in a marked degree, on the improving scale. Our foreign commerce, judged by the standard of exports and imports, was almost generally considered to be on a sound basis; while the enterprise by which it was promoted gave unmistakeable indications of increasing vigour and more extended action. Here, then, was a combination of circumstances directly favouring the popular desire for a still further relief from taxation, through certain long-indicated provident reductions in the expenditure of the country, and it failed not to assert its influence on public opinion. The Earl of Derby, from the period when the cotton But, unfortunately, at the core of this commercial mills stopped, and so many thousands of men, women, prosperity there still existed an evil which seemed to and children were reduced to indigence, distinguished assail the vitality of the whole system. Lancashire, himself by munificent donations and personal devotedrightly considered the centre of our manufacturing! ness. He took the lead in ministering to the great exigreatness and preponderance, had been suddenly stricken | gence of the hour; and, acting as one of the agents for down from her high estate. By the civil war in America the direct resources of her vast industries were arrested. The powerful arm, which had so long and so well sustained the labour that had raised her to a manufacturing pre-eminence and wealth without precedent in the history of nations, was, as we have seen in the previous chapter, if not altogether paralyzed, rendered totally ineffective; and the operatives thereby thrown by tens of thousands out of employment were, with their families, reduced to the utmost misery and destitution. Thus, the blight of the improvident policy which trusts to any one country for the supplies of a main national industry, fell with unparallelled severity on this suffering people. Calamitous, however, as was the distributing the fund, brought his vast influence and local experience to bear on the arduous task of the committees, to the essential benefit of all. As might naturally be expected from a man possessed of so high an order of intelligence, his lordship failed not, while relieving the physical suffering of the people, to note the moral effect of the immense, prompt, and effective beneficence which descended from the high and middle circles of society upon them, in that abyss of calamity into which they were plunged. In the study of the social relations, many have lighted their lamps by that of Lord Derby, since he gave utterance, in the House of Lords, on February 5th, 1863, to his special convictions relative to the salutary effect on the masses of the generous response made by the nobility " However, no experience possessed by the mass of the people on the one side, or those who assumed greater power of judging on the other, could foretell the issue of this fearful war, or point to the time when it would come to a close. From the first, however, there was one policy upon which all parties were agreed-the policy of non-intervention. Men of all shades of politics, whether well-wishers of the North or the South, the most competent to form an opinion on passing events as well as the least versed in their analysis-in a word, the British public, almost to a man, adopted the conclusion that a strict neutrality between the belligerent parties was the first duty of the country to herself, and the only true policy of the government. and wealthy classes to appeals in aid of the Relief Fund. | their advocates, if not adherents, in this country. The value of that opinion, highly estimated as it was at the time, will be even more so in the long future, when it will serve as a trustworthy beacon in the retrospect. According to his lordship, "a great amount of kindly feeling among different classes was the direct result of that genial recognition by the upper orders of their responsibilities towards the working population. "It made rich and poor understand each other better than before, and taught them to remember their mutual dependence upon one another. It led the rich to think of the duties they owed the poor, and it showed the poor that the rich were not unmindful of them in their affliction." Such a conclusion is surely well worthy of perpetual record, and before entering on other phases of the cotton famine, it may be added that those kindred relations between their benefactors and those operatives Still there were those-few and far between, it is true continued their healthful influence until the manufac--whose opinions had some weight in the country, turing districts began to show signs of returning who, nevertheless, inclined to the opinion of the Emvitality, and Lancashire, as it were, arose from her peror of the French, that England and France united desolation. should recognise the Southern Confederacy, raise the blockade, or, by some act of intervention, become armed, if not amicable, arbiters between the combatants. Certain organs of the press in like manner advocated, with but slight modification, this line of policy. But the most eminent statesmen, liberal and conservative, held opposite views, which, backed up by the voice of the nation, fortunately prevailed. And it is worthy of remark, as an indication of the fixed impress of this opinion on the public mind, that, even among those in Lancashire whose well-being at the present and in the future depended on the termination of the war, there was not a voice raised against the decision of the government. Nor can it be said that any apprehension of the consequences of a conflict between England and America influenced for a single moment the popular adhesion to the principle of neutrality. On the contrary, the attitude of the nation, when the memorable affair of the Trent occurred, gave notable proof that no interested motive, however important, could sway its determination of self-defence, and the assertion of its rights. It is probable, indeed, that the audacity which characterised the infraction of international law in the Trent dispute increased the already existing tendency of popular feeling to side with the Southern confederacy; and there is little doubt that, among the higher and educated classcs, from the cause just referred to, or through a latent inclination to see the rather bold pretensions of the American State confederacy circumscribed, and a dismemberment which would lead to such a result achieved, a sympathy with the South was, by many, though prudently avowed, deeply and zealously cherished. Difficult as it would be, on the other hand, to divine what were the speculative hopes and fears induced among continental nations by this disastrous failure of supplies for our leading manufacture, America, the cause of the catastrophe, left no cause to doubt the nature of her anticipations. In that country the prediction was popular, that the shock dealt to our stupendous industry in Lancashire would be felt no less severely through the other departments of our trade and commerce. Finally, it was considered England's power as a nation was shaken to its centre; and the prophetic accepted the marvel of her total destitution. There is no doubt many, here at home, of the nervously political shared in those apprehensions. But their fatuity soon became apparent. The collapse of the cotton trade, heavily as the event pressed on the unfortunate cottonspinners of Lancashire, failed to affect the other great departments of our manufactures. England-to use the ancient metaphor-though so severely stricken by the tempest, never swerved to its terrible power, or deviated from her course. On the contrary, her general national interests not only remained intact, but developed and even largely increased their commercial and trade profits in the face of the failure of an important industry, which was regarded as the main source at once of her produce and consumption. The national revenue, instead of suffering the serious decline predicted, increased even to an amount that enabled the government to propose a further reduction of taxation, and that during the darkest phase of the great calamity! Such was this marvel in finance, that those who had cherished most confidence in the vast strength and elasticity of the commercial resources of the country, were no less surprised than others by the results. America, the original cause of the disaster which had befallen our manufacturing interest in its stronghold of Lancashire, was at this time in a most critical position. It was now the second year of her civil war the most inveterate, bloody, and fratricidal, that ever darkened the destinies of a people. THE POLITICAL SITUATION. Regarding that fierce struggle the opinions of the British people were divided; the popular majority being, however, decidedly in favour of the Southern States. Not that the English people entered very deeply into the discussions of those specially American principles involved in the policy or impolicy of secession; but, in view of the fight, their native impulse drew them to that side which was evidently the weaker, constantly carrying on the struggle for independence against fearful odds, and in every engagement proving themselves heirs of the old Anglo-Saxon spirit and endurance by the most heroic acts. The "Northerners had also With the cause of the union, on the other hand, there were some very outspeaking and enthusiastic sympathisers. Mr. Bright mustered around him a party of considerable intelligence and experience, prone to public demonstration, and skilful in the prosecution of any political object that came within the sphere of their peculiar views. That party represented but a very limited section of the community, it is true, and had lost their theme of economy, cheap government, peaceful specialities, and a host of other virtues as typed by the American republic; for at least the first-mentioned administrative principles were altogether ignored in the war it now waged—a war in which the cost of blood and treasure was unheeded, though never so enormous. But they now made choice of a cheval de bataille more potent for present purposes than the united force of the former squadron with which they were wont to manoeuvre, and it must be owned, not without effect. Abolition of slavery was now the power brought into play, and, owing to the irrepressible hatred of that system of human degradation so inherent in the English mind, a diversion was made in favour of the North which militated against the Southern States to the extent of marring, in moneyed and other influential quarters, the The English people, it so happened, had now full leisure, so far as their own domestic policy was concerned, to interest themselves after this manner with the internecine conflict raging among their transatlantic relatives. Never, for the past half century, did the country regard, with such intense apathy, the conduct of an administration, to whom it had confided the reins of government. The political atmosphere was a total calm -momentous questions of policy troubled it no more -party cries and party watchwords were silent in the past-the zeal and bitterness of polemics and politics were departed-all now was marvellous repose. Nor is such tranquil reaction easily accounted for. There was still room for wise legislation, and of such a fact the people were fully cognisant, yet, somehow or other, nobody seemed desirous of disturbing the existing state of affairs. That England appeared to have retired from political business on her own account was a facetious observation of the day. But the true reason for her unwonted inertness may be referred to the fact that in her veteran statesman, Lord Palmerston, and the ministry of which he was the experienced head, they reposed confidence the most profound. vast interests and ancient institutions of the country. Even his opponents trusted to his inflexible honesty of purpose, and independent of the numerical support of his professed party, his ascendency, as first minister of the crown, was never equalled. OPENING OF THE PARLIAMENTARY This year, according to the usual custom, the parliament met in the first week in February. On the 5th of the month it was opened by commission, owing to her Majesty being still unequal to the exertion of opening it in person. The royal speech delivered from the throne by the lord chancellor was as follows: "My Lords and Gentlemen,-Her Majesty commands me to inform you that, since you were last assembled, she has declared her consent to a marriage between His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales and Her Royal Highness the Princess Alexandra, daughter of Prince Christian of Denmark; and her Majesty has concluded thereupon a treaty with the King of Denmark, which will be laid before you. The constant proofs which her Majesty has received of your attachment to her person and family persuade her you will participate in her sentiments on an event so interesting to her Majesty, and which, with the blessing of God, will, she trusts, prove so conducive to the happiness of her family and to the welfare of her people. "Her Majesty doubts not that you will enable her to make provision for such an establishment as you may think suitable to the rank and dignity of the heir-apparent to the crown of these realms. "A revolution having taken place in Greece by which the throne of that kingdom has become vacant, the Greek nation have expressed the strongest desire that her Majesty's son, Prince Alfred, should accept the Greek crown. This unsolicited and spontaneous manifestation of good-will towards her Majesty and her family, and of a due appreciation of the benefits conferred by the principles and practice of the British constitution, could not fail to be highly gratifying, and has been deeply felt by her Majesty. "But the diplomatic arrangements of her Majesty's crown, together with other weighty considerations, have prevented her Majesty from yielding to this general wish of the Greek nation. "Her Majesty trusts, however, that the same principles of choice which led the Greek nation to direct their thoughts, in the first instance, towards His Royal Highness Prince Alfred, may guide them to the selection of a Even the conservative party, his so-called parliamentary opposers, declined to put forth their combined strength against him, although, so narrow was the ministerial majority the liberal party could muster to his support in the House of Commons-a majority subject to ordinary casualties, and weakened by certain recent elections-they might have made, on more than one occasion, had they been willing to do so, a successful attack on the government. Therefore, it would lead to an estimate false in the extreme, were the strength of Lord Palmerston's administration to be measured by his meagre liberal majority in the House of Commons. The true secret of the prolonged endurance of his ministry was the firm, but unexpressed, adhesion to his policy of very many Conservatives in parliament. Lord Palmerston, they felt, was the statesman best suited to the time. Where could be found another endowed as was, with experience gleaned during half a century of official life-one who witnessed the great political | service of England when she needed diplomatic as well convulsions of Europe, who studied state-craft in the as military genius of the highest order, to bring her with a view to induce a cessation of the conflict between through strait and peril such as no other country ever the contending parties in the North American States, dared and overcame ?-a man singularly gifted with the because it has not seemed to her Majesty that such intelligence to direct, the tact to lead, the perception to overtures could be attended with a probability of success. select, the persuasiveness to convince, the manliness to lished him the Mentor, wherever political reference was and she has witnessed, with heartfelt grief, the severe conciliate, and that knowledge of the world which estab- the desolating warfare which still rages in those regions; required to elucidate parallel facts, and guide diplo- distress and suffering which that war has inflicted upon matic deliberations: while his thorough English spirit a large class of her Majesty's subjects, but which have and principles kept faithful watch and ward over the been borne by them with noble fortitude and exem sovereign, under whose sway the kingdom of Greece may enjoy the blessings of internal prosperity, and of peaceful relation with other states; and if, in such a state of things, the republic of the Seven Islands should declare a deliberate wish to be united to the kingdom of Greece, her Majesty would be prepared to take suc steps as may be necessary for a revision of the treaty of November, 1815, by which that republic was reconstituted, and was placed under the protection of the British crown. he "Her Majesty's relations with foreign powers continue to be friendly and satisfactory. "Her Majesty has abstained from taking any step "Her Majesty has viewed, with the deepest concern, plary resignation. It is some consolation to her Majesty | of proximate legislation upon such a basis by the Palto be led to hope that this suffering and this distress are merston cabinet, it was favourably considered by the rather diminishing than increasing, and that some country. revival of employment is beginning to take place in the manufacturing districts. The temper of the times was one of exceptional placability. Acquiescence in the views of the veteran "It has been most gratifying to her Majesty to wit-prime minister, prompted by popular conviction that his ness the abundant generosity with which all classes of her subjects, in all parts of the empire, have contributed to relieve the wants of their suffering fellow-countryand the liberality with which her Majesty's colonial subjects have, on this occasion, given their aid, has proved that, although their dwelling places aro far away, their hearts are still warm with unabated affec- | tion for the land of their fathers. men; "The relief committees have superintended, with constant and laborious attention, the distribution of the funds entrusted to their charge. "Her Majesty commands us to inform you that she has concluded with the King of the Belgians a treaty of commerce and navigation, and a convention respecting joint-stock companies. That treaty and that convention will be laid before you. "Her Majesty has likewise given directions that there shall be laid before you papers relating to the affairs of Italy, of Greece, and of Denmark, and that papers shall also be laid before you relating to occurrences which have lately taken place in Japan. "Gentlemen of the House of Commons,-Her Majesty has directed that the estimates for the ensuing year shall be laid before you. They have been prepared with a due regard for economy, and will provide for such reductions of expenditure as have appeared to be consistent with the proper efficiency of the public service. "My Lords and Gentlemen,-We are commanded by her Majesty to inform you that, notwithstanding the continuance of the civil war in North America, the general commerce of the country during the past year has not sensibly diminished. profound experience as a statesman was invariably inspired by a patriotic spirit truly British, and never surpassed in sagacity to direct, and determined zeal to protect the least as the most important interest of the commonweal, kept the nation politically passive. In both houses the opening debates on the political programme presented by the government were shorn of the old party animosities. The arrows of opposition selected from that royal quiver, the queen's speech, were loosely feathered, carelessly shot, and however directly in line with the object, fell short. Conservative criticism was all the Earl of Derby, in his reply upon the address, indulged in. There was no fiery forc cast of a coming onslaught, such as was wont to distinguish the illustrious "Rupert of Debate," when he marshalled his forces to overcome a government, or overawe it to the abandonment of some obnoxious policy On the present occasion he opposed without acrimony, forcibly reasoned without austerity, tempered the causticity of his well-pointed rebukes with a dash of humorousness and witticism that relieved their infliction, and in his acute and wide-spread survey of the home and foreign policy of the administration, although several important utterances of censure and opposition exhibited some weak points, and marked them out for further debate, still his frank concession of credit to the government on certain main questions, amply counterbalanced that disapproval. His lordship's expression of the sympathies of the House of Lords with her Majesty on the auspicious event of the marriage of the Prince of Wales, just announced from the throne, and the congratulatory allusion to his royal highness's first appearance on that day as a member of the House of Peers, was in his most felicitous style, and constituted a graceful introduction to the overture made by the Emperor of the French to her Majesty's government, on the subject of a combined "The treaty of commerce, which her Majesty concluded with the Emperor of the French, has already been productive of results highly advantageous to both the nations to which it applies; and the general state of the revenue, notwithstanding many unfavourable circum-intervention of England and France in order to arrest stances, has not been unsatisfactory. "Her Majesty trusts that these results may be taken as proofs that the productive resources of the country are unimpaired. "It has been gratifying to her Majesty to observe the spirit of order which prevails throughout her dominions, and which is so essential au element in the well-being and prosperity of nations. "Various measures of public usefulness and improvement will be submitted for your consideration, and her Majesty fervently prays that, in all your deliberations, the blessing of Almighty God may guide your counsels to the promotion of the welfare and happiness of her people." This speech, it will be observed, differed materially from those delivered on the same occasion for some years past, it being totally free from the mention of measures for legislative reform and other projects which had been for a season mooted throughout the country with considerable perseverance, but which now rested in that political repose to which we have before alluded. The addresses were moved and seconded in the upper house by Earl Dudley and Earl Granard; and by Mr. Calthorpe and Mr. Bazley in the House of Commons. His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales made his first appearance in the House of Lords previous to the moving of the address, and, after being sworn, took his seat on the cross benches as a member of that illustrious assembly. Although the speech from the throne contained nothing from which the numerous advocates of further measures of reform could derive a hope, however faint, the further continuance of the civil war raging between the Northern and Southern states of America. The noble earl expressed his unfeigned regret that the government did not feel justified in accepting the imperial proposition, not as was said, through a slip of the tongue, by the noble earl (Granard)-" for the purpose of putting an end to the war, but with the view of endeavouring by good offices to obtain such an armistice or cessation of hostilities as might lead the two parties themselves to reflect upon the miseries and hopelessness of the war in which they were at present engaged. I think it is a matter of regret that her Majesty's govern ment did not feel themselves justified in acceding to the wish of the Emperor of the French, but before I censure the course pursued by them, it is only fair I should say that they were in possession of much better means of information than any I can pretend to, as to whether such an interference as the one contemplated, intended to put an end to the war, might not rather have aggravated the bitterness of the strife by the irritation arising from any foreign intervention. Upon that point, which doubtless they considered in all its bearings, they were probably enlightened by the despatches of our minister at Washington, I therefore take no objection to the course pursued, although I regret that no attempt was made to promote the restoration of peace. Mediation' would, perhaps, be a correct or legitimate expression to apply to that proposed species of intervention... But if I know anything of the state of feeling in the Northern and Southern states, the question at issue between them is not a question of degree, but a question of fundamental principle as to which there can be no |