in the early days of this century, confined the reduction of these three hundred principalities to three dozen, and presented the resemblence of a national union, which was only a league of monarchs. Peace was kept in Germany by this machinery, at the expense of the national strength, until the antagonism between the only two members of the Bund possessing political power burst the rope of sand. Whether the great German power now taking so prominent a place among the nations will be a liberal, constitutional state, will be shown in the immediate future. But these speculations you will probably think out of place in a diplomatic correspondence. Moreover, the politics of North Germany, which is now synonymous with Prussia, are not in my sphere of duty, and I must abstain from trespassing upon matter belonging to our able representative at Berlin. For the same reasons, I avoid expressing any opinions as to the immediate future of Italy. So soon as the conclusion of peace gives leisure for Austria to occupy itself exclusively with its internal affairs, the politics of this empire will become deeply interesting, and will engage my anxious attention. For the present there is an interim, but the consideration of Hungarian affairs and the general constitutional questions cannot be much longer deferred. I cannot regard the so-called exclusion of Austria from Germany as an unmitigated evil to this empire. As already intimated, treaties are apt rather to register results than to create new facts. There having been nothing since the peace of Westphalia that could be legally or philosophically called Germany, and there being no reasonable ground for supposing that leagues or treaties to be made in future between this empire and such other German powers as exist may not be as beneficial at least as the extinguished Bund, I do not feel that the vital interests of Austria are prejudiced by a phrase which at first seemed so painful. There are elements of a magnificent future in this empire, boundless resources if properly employed, and the variety of races which ever threatens the stability of the realm might be made a source of strength, instead of weakness, if the constitutional problem can be satisfactorily solved. The German element cannot be eliminated by a treaty article from a state inhabited by ten millions of Germans. With so large a portion of that mother race, from which the civilization of the greater part of Europe and America is almost exclusively derived, as one great ingredient, and with other very noble national components, which have never yet manifested all their splendid capabilities, because generally in discord, instead of harmony with the forces which ought to produce together an organic whole, it is impossible not to trust in better days for Austria, dating from what seems an epoch of disaster. I make no allusions, for the reasons already given, to the claims of France upon Prussia, nor to the possible embarrassments with Bavaria, threatening symptoms of war, which will probably die away. I have the honor to remain, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. J. LOTHROP MOTLEY. No. 208] Mr. Motley to Mr. Seward. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Vienna, October 17, 1866. SIR: I have the honor to state that G. V. Fox, Assistant Secretary of the United States Navy, has made a brief visit to Vienna, arriving on the 10th instant, and leaving the city this morning for Trieste. Α copy of your circular to the diplomatic and consular officers of the United States recommending him to their friendly offices was received by me in advance of his arrival, together with a list of questions in regard to the naval establishments of this empire, which he desired me to have placed in the proper channel. The subject has been laid before the imperial royal government, in a note addressed by me to his Excellency Count Mensdorff, and I am assured, in a private interview on the subject, that due attention will be given to the wishes of the United States government. I will forward the answer to my communication as soon as it reaches me. I also requested the minister of foreign affairs, both verbally and by note, that the necessary facilities might be afforded to Mr. Fox, upon his proposed visit of inspection to the naval establishments of Trieste and Pola. In an interview with Count Mensdorff, who received him in the most cordial manner, Mr. Fox expressed his admiration of the late brilliant achievements of Admiral Tegetthoff, and his desire to make the acquaintance of that distinguished commander. The minister accordingly invited Mr. Fox (as well as myself) to dine on the following day to meet the admiral. It happened, however, that the admiral was engaged to dine with the Archduke Albert, but on the following evening I had the pleasure of introducing him and Mr. Fox to each other at my own house. On the same evening, I received a note from Count Mensdorff, stating that the Emperor would receive Mr. Fox at a certain hour next day, and requesting that I would accompany and present him to his Majesty. As the Emperor was about to leave Vienna almost immediately on a somewhat extensive tour, it had been thought best by Mr Fox and myself not to make formal application for an audience, and it was therefore the more complimentary to the United States, and to so distinguished a member of its government as Mr. Fox, that the interview was thus arranged. The Emperor received Mr. Fox with much courtesy, made many remarks expressive of his special admiration of the recent naval history of the United States, addressed his sincere compliments to Mr. Fox as its efficient and distinguished representative, and hoped that he would visit the imperial establishments at Trieste and Pola. I think that Mr. Fox is with reason satisfied with the attention shown to him during his very brief visit to Vienna. I have the honor to remain, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. Mr. Motley to Mr. Seward. No. 211.] : LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR It appears only too probable that a terrible crime has just been attempted in Prague. The public journals will have brought you by means of the telegraph, long before the arrival of this despatch, full details of the event, and of the results of the examination now in progress. On inquiry of the minister of foreign affairs yesterday, I found it considered hardly doubtful that a foul attempt upon the life of the Emperor had been made-a sovereign ever most conscientious in the discharge of his great office, who at that very moment was engaged in dispensing very liberal charities with his own hand throughout the provinces. lately desolated by a cruel war, which he and his ministers had done their best to avert. For the moment I can do no better than translate the paragraph refer ring to this deplorable affair in the official gazette of yesterday morning, as nothing further or more accurate than this account is thus far known. I am conscious that my despatch will of necessity be antiquated before it comes to hand. I have the honor to remain, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. J. LOTHROP MOTLEY. (Translation.) Extract from a letter written from Prague to the Vienna Gazette of October 30, 1866. On the evening on which his Majesty visited the Bohemian National theatre, the 27th, the English captain, Hugh P. F. Palmer, (lodging in the Hotel d'Angleterre,) was waiting to see his Majesty drive away from the theatre. At the moment in which the Emperor was getting into the carriage to take his seat, Captain Palmer asserts that he observed a man who was raising his right hand, armed with a pistol, against the carriage. Captain Palmer, examined on oath before a court of justice, declares that he, when leaving the theatre, saw two men walking up and down before it, one of whom, by an accidental movement of the hand, allowed an object to be noticed, which seemed to resemble a pistol; that it really was one, witness could not declare on oath. He asserts, however, in that moment to have acquired the conviction that the man had a pistol. This conviction had induced him to keep a close eye upon the man in question. After the second person had retired in the direction of the chain bridge, the other one had come forward towards the carriage-door of the Emperor at the instant he was entering the carriage, and had not stretched out the right hand, but had bent it in the elbow-joint, (Sic: Soudern im ellbogengelenke gebogen,) aiming with a pistol towards the interior of the carriage. The captain saw that the pistol was cocked, but did not see whether it was furnished with a percussion cap. He now threw his left arm around the neck of the suspected person, seized his right arm and pressed it downwards, whereby it seemed to him that the man let the pistol slide into his pocket. At the same moment his Majesty's carriage rolled by, upon which the captain pressed the man across the street towards the theatre and gave him into the custody of the police guard, (communal wache.) On the way the arrested man let a small parcel fall, which afterwards proved to be a bit of worn-out silk stuff, containing in a little bag some powder, and in a paper a small leaden bullet and three percussion caps. At the police office it appeared that the suspected individual was a journeyman tailor, Anthony Pust by name, employed at the Bohemian theatre. He obstinately denies the charges made against him. It soon became known, however, through the police, that a pistol had been found the same evening before the theatre by some young people. The pistol was loaded and at full cock, but there was no cap upon the nipple. Those who found it had no knowledge of the whole transaction. They had, indeed, seen the English captain, but had not observed the arrest of Anthony Pust. It is to be remarked that the coat-pocket of the accused is torn, and he might, therefore, have lost the pistol while Palmer was pushing him across the street. Such are the facts, so far as known. I repeat, there is still much, almost everything, to be explained before one can come to the mournful conviction that here lies, in very deed, an attempt at the horrid crime which one might be inclined by some of the circumstances to believe; at any rate, the hand of the Almighty has decided. Scarcely could the ruthless deed be carried beyond the criminal intent, even had it been really conceived and undertaken. To the honor of humanity we hope that the examination will give a different result. No. 215.] Mr. Motley to Mr. Seward. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: The period of stagnation in this empire which has lasted since the conclusion of the late disastrous war still continues. I have purposely refrained from writing until there should be new facts to communicate and to comment upon. I do not wish to occupy your time with finely academic or historical discussions, not in place in diplomatic correspondence. It may not be superfluous, however, to say a few words in characterization of the present condition of affairs; to fix a point of departure, as it were, for the course of events to be expected in the immediate future. It would be impossible to deny that a feeling of discouragement and discontent pervades all classes. The physical misery of the great mass of the people is very great. It would be difficult to exaggerate the destitution and suffering in Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia, and other provinces, late the seat of war, and even in the capital itself. The wealthier classes, which have themselves suffered enormously, have been liberal and energetic, from the highest nobles down, in relieving the awful distress, and ministering to the wants of an almost starving population. The Emperor has just returned from a tour in those provinces, where he has been received with demonstrations of loyalty, and where he has given very generously from his own private purse to the cities, villages, and individuals most afflicted by the late disastrous event. But individuals can unfortunately do little. The productive energies of a population can alone create or restore national wealth, and without extensive changes in the system by which capital is accumulated and distributed throughout this ancient empire it is not easy to indulge in cheerful views. When an industrious journeyman shoemaker, for example, cannot earn more than from three to five paper florins by a week's hard work in the capital; when an agricultural laborer can scarcely gain more than twenty cents a day by toiling from morning till night, and when the taxes throughout the empire are already so high that according to official statement they can scarcely be increased, in spite of a yearly deficit of fifty or sixty millions, steadily increasing, it is difficult for the nation to grow rich or for the poor not to grow poorer. With an almost universal distress and discontent, resulting from a long series of historical events prevailing in the land, the government is now called upon to solve one of the most difficult problems ever presented to statesmen. Some means must be discovered, and that ere long, of uniting into a whole the various kingdoms and provinces subject to the imperial sceptre, when men are speaking and writing openly in the capital itself of the possibly approaching dissolution of the empire. On the 19th of this month nineteen diets will assemble in the capitals of the various kingdoms and provinces. Voices enough will be heard in these assemblies to describe the dangers and the difficulties besetting the progress of the state, but it is to be feared that the remedies suggested will be almost as numerous as the assemblies. The so-called centralist party is supposed to be entirely defeated. There are few that believe now in the possibility of a united imperial parliament for the whole empire. The February constitution of 1861, without having ever been fairly born, has gone to the limbo of departed efforts at political organization. Four years were consumed in the honest and earnest attempt, while, since the suspension of that February patent, in September, 1865, there has been a persistent negotiation with Hungary, in the hope of coming to some understanding with that kingdom. Those negotiations were duly chronicled in this correspondence, until the point at which they were interrupted by the great war just concluded. They will be resumed on the 19th. The result of the deliberations hitherto has been to establish in the most public manner possible, that Hungary will never cease to regard herself as an entirely independent and self-dependent nation, willing to treat, as one independent state does with another, upon the possibility of inventing some working machinery by which she can regulate such affairs as she may have in common with other kingdoms and states subject, like herself, to the hereditary sway of the Hapsburg dynasty. This position persisted in is necessarily a negation of any imperial sovereignty. Yet from this position there has been no sign of swerving. On the other hand, the separatory, the disintegrating tendencies are more rife than ever before on this side of the Leitha. Each nationality is more than ever disposed to assert its independence and repel the other integrals of the one great whole which is known as the Austrian empire. Especially is this visible in Bohemia, where about one-half of the population of five millions belongs to the Czech branch of the Sclavonic family, and are beginning to manifest as much exclusive loyalty to the crown of Wenceslaus as do the Magyars to that of St. Stephen. The Polish nationality, too, is also, as ever, irrepressible, more or less discontented, and ready for any favorable opportunity for reasserting its buried Sovereignty. But a far greater danger than all is likely to be found at some day, more or less distant, in the German nationality. Should the great Germany north of the Main constitute itself as firmly and as liberally as the initiatory movements have been rapidly and energetically carried out, it is not easy to see how the immense attraction of such a body upon the German provinces of Austria can be neutralized, except by a liberal and far-seeing constitutional and united policy for the whole empire. Federal autonomy, dualism, disintegration, would seem the right means to strengthen the enemies and to dishearten the friends of the empire. Yet it cannot be denied that the centrifugal tendencies are very powerful at present, and that it will need all the energy and all the ingenuity of the statesmen intrusted with the control of government to devise a bond of union Hitherto that bond has been provided by the sceptre and the sword, by absolute dominion, in short. No other exists at present, for no constitutional scheme has yet been devised that was not bitterly denounced and rejected by some powerful portion or other of the various nationalities. Yet military absolutism does not seem likely to be the most practical or beneficent form of government for the coming years in Europe. This much of the recent past, and of the immediate present, I have thought it not amiss to recall to your attention, in order to furnish a preface, as it were, to whatever of current history in this empire it may soon become my duty to sketch or to comment upon. I am, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. J. LOTHROP MOTLEY. No. 207.] Mr. Seward to Mr. Motley. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, November 16, 1866. SIR: Your despatch, No. 211, of the 31st ultimo, upon the subject of the last attempted assassination of the Emperor of Austria, at Prague, by one Anthony Pust, has been received and submitted to the President. He desires me to instruct you to ask for an interview with his Majesty, and to congratulate him, in the name of the United States, upon his providential escape from the attempt referred to. This proceeding is due to the high personal character of that Sovereign. We are no abettors of assassination, whatever may be the difference between our political forms and those of states whose heads or other functionaries may be victims of that crime. I am, sir, your obedient servant, J. LOTHROP MOTLEY, Esq., &c., sx., &c. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. |