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[H. OF R.

constantly in the State of Rhode Island and Providence of labor with their arms by their side. Early and late, Plantations, for the defence of said State, their several they were prepared to meet the enemies of their country. quotas of troops, as adjusted by the resolution of a com- Their pecuniary means, their accumulated subsistence, all mittee from the said States and the State of New York, which met at Springfield the 30th July, 1777."

On the 21st of February, 1778, it was further resolved by Congress

The

were offered at the altar of patriotism, to meet the exigencies of the republic. Nothing was withholden from her use, which could contribute to her advantage. enemies at home, the foes from within, required the un"That General Washington be directed to order a ma- remitted watchfulness of the militia. To expose the jor general to take command of the troops in Rhode treachery of toryism, demanded the exercise of all their Island, and General Sullivan, of New Hampshire, was vigilance, their firmness, their perseverance. thereupon designated.” The peculiar services and sacrifices of the militia during

In every respect these State troops were regarded as a the war of the revolution, give to that class a, powerful most valuable part of the then physical force of the coun- claim upon the justice of the common country. For these try, co-operating with the other troops in the furtherance services--for these sacrifices, they could not have been of the great purposes of the revolution.

In August, 1778, it is known that General Sullivan was compelled to retreat from the island of Newport. But these State regiments were again organized; and, on the 4th of May, 1779, by a resolution of Congress, they were "entitled to continental pay, subsistence, clothing, and bounty."

paid. The debt is yet due--it still remains unsatisfied, and, on every consideration, the militia are equally well entitled to the benefit of the pension system as any other class of revolutionary soldiers. It was the pure patriotism, it was the unwavering devotion to the best interests of the republic; it was the virtue and the valor of the militia, that gave to our cause an impulse which was irresistible, an impulse which the whole physical force of England, aided by her subsidized Hessians, proved wholly incompetent to control and to vanquish.

It would be extremely difficult to assign any good reason why these regiments, raised by State authority, should be regarded with any less favor than continental troops. Some of these regiments were kept in constant service The battles of Lexington, Concord, Bunker Hill, taught from 1775 until after the capture of Cornwallis in Octo- the enemy that the soil of freemen could not be invaded ber, 1781: not confined in their operations to their re- with impunity, that the spirt of freemen could never be spective States, but where the public good required, there subdued by skill, however consummate, by force, however they were found, subserving the cause of the common powerful. The enemy then saw and felt too much not to country. No body of troops were more patriotic; no men believe that the sacred soil of freemen might be run over, were more ardent in the prosecution of the war of the re-but could not be conquered. Were it necessary to advert volution; no men in the public service endured more, or to events to show forth the value of the militia, I would suffered more; no men were clothed less, fed less, or paid direct your attention to every great battle that was fought less, than they were. In every point of view, they have in the war of the revolution.

as strong claims upon the justice and gratitude of the

At the North, it was the militia that gave a turn to our country, as any of the surviving soldiers of the revolution. hostile operations, which inspired confidence in the cause The bill before us extends the benefits of the pension of America. The battle of Bennington, under the brave system to them; a system which I regard but as a payment Stark, of my own State, with his regiments of militia, for revolutionary services. I cannot then agree, knowing after a series of disaster and defeat had attended the as I do, that the men who composed these State regi- army in Canada and upon the lakes, served to animate the ments, and performed long and valuable services, shall pass drooping spirit of despondency, to fill the soul of patriotaway from us unrewarded. I would do no such injustice ism with hope, with confidence, with courage. to them. They have faithfully served their country; and In the South as well as in the North, the militia of the by their country they should be now faithfully paid. This country was equally distinguished for the purity of its the bill provides, and this provision, I trust, will be sustained patriotism, and the ardor of its zeal. If any invidious foe by the committee. And, I would ask, on what ground to our country has cast imputations upon the bravery and shall those who served in the militia, during the war of the revolution, be excluded from the benefit of the pension system? Can any good reason be assigned for their exclusion, which will not apply with equal force to the continental as well as the State troops?

the conduct of our militia at any particular period of that war, it should be replied that want of discipline, not want of heroism, subjected our militia, in certain memorable battles, to great disadvantages.

There was no cowardice, no treachery in the composiIt must be well known by every individual conversant tion of the militia. In every battle fought, in every vicwith the history of the times, that great reliance was tory won, they were breast to breast, side by side, with placed on the militia of the country for defensive opera- State and continental troops. When the enemy of the tions, for the sacred preservation of public freedom, for country cried "havoc, and let slip the dogs of war," the the maintenance of those rights and immunities dear to militia came forth in their might. All the battles of 1775, every true American. The men who composed the mili- before a regular army could have been organized, of Lextia most richly merit the favor of the Government. They ington, of Bunker Hill, of Ticonderoga, of St. John's, were doomed to bear most emphatically their full share of and of Norfolk, evince the most unwavering courage and the burdens of the war. They were owners as well as conduct. If a doubt could be supposed to exist as to the cultivators of the soil-they were tax payers of the re- value of the militia service in the war of the revolution, I public. When their country called for physical means, would refer to the battles of Fort Moultrie, of Benningthey promptly obeyed that call. At the bidding of their ton, of Saratoga, of Long Island, of Trenton, of GerGovernment, they left the plough for the tented field. mantown, and of Yorktown. These engagements speak On any emergency, they quit the quiet and safety of their a language which cannot be mistaken, and which will not homes, to share in the danger of the battle. They left be forgotten. their own firesides, to mingle in the severer duties of the

army.

From April, 1775, to October, 1781, the militia of the whole country were required to be in constant readiness for active service. They knew not at what hour, on what day, or in what week, their services would be demanded. They slept upon their arms. They went forth to the field

I will not detain the committee by extracting from the journals of the old Congress all the resolutions showing that the militia were detached and called into service by their express authority, but I will refer to the first act of that Congress touching this subject.

On the 27th May, 1775, it was

Resolved, That the militia of New York be armed and

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Revolutionary Pensions.

[FEB. 29, 1832. trained, and in constant readiness to act at a moment's years, or for and during the war such was the condition warning. of the then population of the country, that it was im

Men

"That it be recommended to the provincial convention possible to fill the army under such enlistments. of New York to persevere the more rigorously in pre- were willing to go for months, but they could not leave paring for their defence, as it is very uncertain whether their homes for years. The Government was then driven the earnest endeavors of the Congress to accommodate the to the necessity of engaging men for short terms to fill unhappy differences between Great Britain and the colo- the ranks of the army. In every year of the war, subnies, by conciliatory means, will be successful." sequent to 1778, it will be found that men entered the pub

It is

Is it not most manifest from the very letter of the reso-lic service for a tour of six months' duty; men, too, who lution that the Government of the country regarded the most faithfully performed that duty. It was to provide for militia as an essential part of the physical force to be em- soldiers of this description, to whatever force they may ployed in effectuating the objects of the revolution? A have belonged, that the bill proposes to grant a proporforce to be held in reserve for the use of the republic tionate pension for any period of service less than mine whenever it shall be required--a force to be fed, clothed, months. Every sound principle, every just consideration, and paid like other portions of the army when called into urges upon the committee the adoption of this provision. actual service--a force subject to all the liabilities and en- There is still remaining another class of the soldiers of titled to all the immunities of continental troops. Similar the revolution, for whose special relief this bill provides. resolutions, in spirit, are to be found throughout the Those who served for two years and upwards have journals of the old Congress, signifying most distinctly stronger claims upon us than those who served for a less their recommendation for the detachment of the militia of period. This bill grants to all such a pension equal to the several States, for State as well as for general defence. their full pay when in the army; not, however, to exceed They were not only required to be, but in truth they were, in any case the pay of a captain. It will be recollected in constant readiness during the whole war of the revo- that in May, 1828, an act was passed containing like prolution, to answer the demand of their country. It cannot vision for those who served to the close of the war. then be urged that the services of the militia could have matter of history that some who entered the army after been less meritorious than the services of any other class. the evacuation of Savannah, in 1782, who fought no battles, I will here advert to one fact, showing the general en- who endured no hardships, who suffered no privations, thusiasm which pervaded the whigs of that day, in favor are now realizing the full benefits of the act of May, 1828, of the cause of their country. At the great battle of while their neighbors, who saw six years' hard and perilous Saratoga, when the hope of success had nerved the arm service, are still kept from the pension roll. Such disof every soldier, the commanding general addressed a criminations are at war with every principle on which is communication to the Assembly of New Hampshire, then predicated the bill before us. Is there any body of men in session, for more men. The Assembly was under the now living, who can have stronger or better claims upon direction of our venerated Langdon. The communica-the country, than those who sustained her cause by all tion was read, and without delay the field of legislation their physical powers, by the sacrifice of all their pecuni. was exchanged for the field of battle. Langdon and his ary means, for a period of two years at least, during the friends flew to the aid of Gates and their country. Victory war of the revolution? They constituted the bone and followed. Burgoyne was captured, and public confidence muscle of the American army. They rendered much serwas revived. And now, sir, is there any man in this com- vice and endured much suffering at the darkest and most mittee who would wish to humble that noble, proud, and disheartening period of the war. The history of 1778 patriotic spirit, by withholding justice from the militia, and 1779 must forcibly remind us that we owe this class and extending it to the troops of the continental army? I much. Washington himself, on the 16th February, 1778, will not believe it. I cannot for a moment believe that at while the army lay at Valley Forge, communicated to Conthis day of general prosperity the representatives of this gress as follows: free republic would be, or could be, disposed, by such partial legislation, to do such great injustice.

"For some days past, there has been little less than a famine in camp. Naked and starving as they are, we can. The bill now under consideration provides, also, for not enough admire the incomparable patience and fidelity those regiments raised by voluntary association. Every of the soldiery, that they have not ere this been excited sentiment which has been stated in favor of extending the by their sufferings to a general mutiny and dispersion. benefits of the pension system to the State troops and the The poor soldier has had a pair of stockings without militia, applies with equal force to volunteers. As it has shoes; a waistcoat without a coat to his back. The men been often remarked that this bill has for its foundation have been left to perish by inches, with cold and nakedactual service, there can be no reason why all who ren-ness. As an army, they bear their sufferings with heroic dered that service should not be equally entitled, without patience."

any discrimination touching the character of the respective It is for such men that this part of the bill provides recorps. So long as the names of Shelby, of Marion, and of lief. The provision has been introduced to carry into Sumpter, shall be remembered, the value of the services effect the equity of the act of 1828, and I would call upon of this description of troops cannot be forgotten. the committee to sustain it. Being right in itself, honest There is another feature in the bill now before us, which in its purpose, it cannot fail to be just in its operation. distinguishes it from the act of March, 1818. This proI would, sir, on this occasion, with a view to show the poses to grant a pension to those who served for a less moral worth of those who took an active part in the war period than nine months, and for a period not less than six of the revolution, advert to the particular cause which months, in the proportion that six bears to nine. To show produced that event. I would briefly trace its history, to the propriety of this particular provision, it need only be exhibit the intrinsic virtue of revolutionary services. We stated, that previous to January, 1776, the actual engage- cannot fail to bear in mind that the most powerful cause ments must of necessity have been for a less time than nine of the American revolution was to be found in that ardent months. The army of 1775 should not be overlooked. love of religious and civil liberty, which filled the hearts, The brave men of that day should not be forgotten. Their and governed the lives of our fathers. Their free spirit services and their sacrifices at that particular period of the could not brook control; they acknowledged no master war give to this class peculiar claims upon the justice as but the King of kings; their souls were elevated above the well as the gratitude of the country. It should also be influence of royal authority; their sentiments and their remembered that when, by resolution of the old Con- feelings, so honorary to the character and dignity of man, gress, enlistments were required to be made for three so in accordance with the nature and fitness of things, ex

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[H. OF R.

erted a commanding influence in producing the war of the ever had but a single eye to the honor of his country. revolution, and in the ultimate establishment of the free-"The army gave one more distinguished proof of unexdom and independence of this country.

In the constitution of the Engish Government were contained so many features obnoxious to the free spirit, to the just character of the founders of our republic, that it cannot be doubted that the American people would, in due time, have absolved themselves from all allegiance to the mother country, even if no resort had been made to any odious taxation of the colonies. As well could the course of our rivers have been controlled; as well could our towering mountains have been moved by the edicts of parliamentary authority, as the genius of American liberty could have been trammelled by ministerial orders in council-by legislative power without right.

man.

In the order of Providence, this Western hemisphere, our wide and extended republic, was designed to become the asylum of liberty, the home of freedom, the place where religion should teach the clear revelation of Him who sitteth on the circle of the earth. Our revolution was founded in nature; was proclaimed by public virtue; sustained by public valor. It was a war waged by England against the liberty of America, and the rights of It was a war which called into active exercise the best, the purest principles of American freemen. "To shed English blood with English hands, was regarded, by every high-minded and honorable whig in the country, as eclipsing our national glory." But it was a war, as regarded by the American people, for the defence of their soil, their homes, their altars, their institutions; for the maintenance of those free principles which they loved and cherished. While memory shall exercise any dominion over the human mind, the services of the soldiers of the revolution will be recollected by their children, and their children's children, so long as one generation shall succeed another. It was under the guidance of such virtuous and valorous spirits that our Union was preserved; the freedom and independence of the country consummated, and the genius of civil and religious liberty exerted its influence from the lake to the ocean, from St. John's to St. Mary's.

ampled patriotism and patient virtue, rising superior to the pressure of the most complicated sufferings." Their own resolutions spoke the undisguised language of patriotism and of truth. They declared to the world "that they engaged in the service of their country from the purest love and attachment to the rights and liberty of human nature; and that no circumstances of distress shall induce a conduct to sully the reputation and glory they have acquired. That the army continue to have an unshaken confidence in their country. That they view with abhorrence and reject with disdain the recent propositions contained in a late anonymous address to the officers of the army." Such were the ennobling sentiments, the pure feelings, of those brave men, who now ask justice at the hands of their country. Shall we oppose it? Can we longer resist their appeal? Shall we suffer them, at this day, to realize the truth of the anonymous address made to them in 1783 The father of this republic, who led her armies to battle, who crowned their efforts with triumph, on one occasion remarked-

"That if the whole army have not merited whatever a grateful people can bestow, then have I been beguiled by prejudice, and built opinion on the basis of error. If, retiring from the field, the officers are to grow old in poverty, wretchedness, and contempt, then shall I have learned what ingratitude is; then shall I have realized a tale which will embitter every moment of my future life. A country rescued by their arms from impending ruin, will never leave unpaid the debt of gratitude."

The time is not far distant, when half a century shall have elapsed since the sainted patriot offered these sentiments to the consideration of his country; and a more fit occasion than the present could not occur for the full accomplishment of those just opinions--those kind feelings, which Washington then published, and then displayed for his revered companions in arms.

There exists one particular reason why this general bill should now pass, extending the benefits of the pension system to every class of soldiers who performed the reCan any man, at this late day, read the anonymous let- quisite term of actual service in the war of the revolution, ter to the officers of the army at the close of the revolu- and that is, to render all future special legislation in relation, without feeling the mingled emotions of contempt tion to this subject unnecessary. I said in the comand admiration; contempt for the baseness of its author, mencement of my remarks, that, in supporting the bill, ad niration for the pure spirit of those to whom that com- I was not compelled to urge upon the consideration of the munication was addressed? Could any men, at such a committee any new general principle. In the precedents critical moment, under such unpropitious circumstances, already established by the special legislation of Congress, save those who had fought the battles of their country, is to be found authority for every principle recognised in whose efforts had achieved her freedom and her indepen- the bill before us. I do not speak at random, without dence-could any men but the patriots of our revolution book, on this point. And whatever may be the speculahave been appealed to in language like the following, tions of other men, in other places; however variant may without effect? After having recounted their accumulat- be the opinions of some men at one time, and at another; ed injuries, the author adds: however different may be the course of practice of such men at one time, and at another, the records will not change--history will not lie.

"If this then be your treatment, while the swords you wear are necessary for the defence of America, what have you to expect from peace, when your voice shall sink and your strength dissipate by division-when these very swords, the instruments and companions of your glory, shall be taken from your sides, and no remaining mark of military distinction left but your wants, infirmities, and scars? Can you then consent to be the only sufferers by this revolution, and, retiring from the field, grow old in poverty, wretchedness, and contempt? Can you consent to wade through the vile mire of dependency, and owe the miserable remnant of that life to charity, which has hitherto been spent in honor? If you can, go, and carry with you the jest of tories and the scorn of whigs; the ridicule, and, what is more, the pity of the world. Go, starve, and be forgotten."

Sir, it is of importance that there should be a full, a perfect understanding on this head. The Committee on Revolutionary Pensions feel themselves called upon to state most distinctly what has been the legislation of Congress heretofore in relation to the subject: not only the doings of the House, but also of the Senate. They feel themselves bound to do this, because it has been stated here and elsewhere that the committee have in their reports departed from the principles which have heretofore controlled the action of Congress, under the act of March, 1818. Sir, we are either obnoxious to this charge, or else there is a grievous fault chargeable on others. Sir, what are the facts? By the act of Congress of May, 1830, persons were placed on the pension list, who served in Sir, what was the effect produced by giving this true the militia in State regiments, or as volunteers, in the war exhibit of the sufferings and the sorrows of the American of the revolution, for a period of nine months. By the soldiery? I will respond, sir, in the language of him who same act, persons were admitted to a place on the pension

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(FEB. 29, 1832.

roll, whether the amount of service was performed under upon me would require the surrender of the better half one or more enlistments, and without any particular of my estate. I would then have left the consolation that regard to the amount of property. And does the bill now under consideration require any thing essentially variant from, or in addition to, these provisions?

the claims of our revolutionary patriots had been satis fied-without whose triumphant efforts every thing here would have been valueless: political rights and political priThe present bill, in truth, contains nothing more than vileges would have been any thing but political blessings. the principles embraced in the special act of May, 1830, But, sir, calculations have been made. The principle and of the particular bill which passed the House of Re- and result of those calculations have been placed in the presentatives at the first session of the last Congress. The hands of this committee; they accompany the bill now be. following communication received from Mr. Edwards, fore us. It is true that all computations touching this sub. shows most conclusively that this bill is warranted by pre-ject must be founded somewhat in conjecture. cedent, and that every private bill which has emanated impossible to arrive at absolute certainty. from the Committee on Revolutionary Pensions can be defended on legislative authority.

[Here Mr. H. read a list of twenty-seven persons, officers and privates, provided for by separate acts of Congress.] From this communication from the Pension Office, said Mr. H., it would seem that there is no new principle embraced in the bill before us; that it can be sustained by the existing precedents; and, in order to prevent future special legislation on this subject, the bill should now be passed.

It is

I do not intend at this time to present in detail the calculations already made showing the probable annual expenditure should this bill now pass. But I will advert to some facts tending to prove that the result of those calcu lations will, by after experience, be fully justified. First, then, I would state that it has been ascertained that thirty. three thousand five hundred and fifteen persons had applied for pensions at the War Department, under the acts of 1818, 1820, and 1823, previous to the 18th of January We are now happy at home, enjoying every blessing last. It has also been ascertained that certificates have which can pertain to freemen. We are respected abroad, been issued to about twenty-one thousand applicants. participating in every right guarantied to the most honor- That, under the operation of the acts of 1820 and 1823, ed nation. We cannot fail to realize that every interest fourteen hundred and thirty-nine still remain unrestored of our beloved country is most prosperous. Every citizen to the pension roll. It has also very satisfactorily been in this great republic is made secure in the enjoyment of made to appear that not more than ten thousand persons all his rights, by the moral influence of our free institu- are now in the receipt of pensions under the act of 1818. tions. How wonderful have been the practical effects of It would then follow that, of the twenty-one thousand to the American revolution! How great has been the ad- whom certificates have been issued, one-half, at least, are vance of our general population, the march of improve- no longer numbered among the living. And when it is ment, the progress of the arts! Our extended and extending recollected that the sentiment was universal through the West comes forth in all her majesty-in all her physical and country, on the passage of the act of 1818, that its great moral power, to bear evidence to the wondering world and leading purpose was to compensate for nine months' of the great and glorious fruits of the revolution. The actual service in the war of the revolution, it will be, and cause of learning--the pure spirit of christianity, trace it should be, admitted that the thirty-three thousand five their astonishing advancement to the impulse received at hundred and fifteen included a great portion of the surviv that eventful period? The science of self-government, ing soldiers of the revolution who rendered that period the free institutions of our land, rest upon a deep and en- of service in any description of the then physical force of during foundation, laid in the war of the revolution; in the country. It certainly follows, reasoning from analogy, every latitude, in every region, in every part of christen- that, of the thirteen thousand whose applications have dom, are to be found the effects of American genius, been wholly rejected, there cannot now be living more American enterprise, and of American industry. than one-half to renew their claims, should the present bill now pass.

And while we contemplate the universal prosperity and happiness which pervades our land, can we fail to take a Another fact in connexion with this subject has been asretrospect, and bring to mind by whose efforts and ener- certained, tending to show that, at most, there can be but gies, by whose services and sacrifices, these invaluable few of the revolutionary army now living, to claim the blessings have been secured? In the dark days of the re-benefit of the present bill. At the close of the war, the volution, our beloved country was poor of limited re-number of officers, exclusive of foreigners then in the sersources, little able to fulfil to the letter her engagements; vice, were two thousand four hundred and eighty. The her soldiers were neither fed, nor clothed, nor paid, accord- act of Congress of May, 1828, granted to every surviving ing to the stipulation of the Government; the general officer who served to the close of the war an annuity equal currency of the country was greatly depreciated. These to his full pay while in the line of the army; not, however, unfailing friends could not at such a time have received their honest, their just demands.

Nevertheless, their devotion to her cause suffered no change. Through good report and through evil report, in her prosperity and in her adversity, they went for their country, and for nothing but their country.

in any case to exceed the pay of a captain. This provision was general: it included all those officers who were in the receipt of pensions under the act of 1818, as well as those who were not. Now, sir, of this two thousand four hundred and eighty officers, two hundred and eightytwo only are now receiving the benefit of the act of May, 1828. Showing that, since the year 1783, seven out of eight of these brave men have taken a final leave of the republic.

Let us then unite with one mind and with one heart to effect a satisfactory payment of this debt; a debt which we should most willingly admit; a debt which our country is now well able satisfactorily to discharge. And shall we stop, the descendants of our revolutionary fathers, the children of the patriots of that day--shall we, freemen, the native sons of the soil, stop to calculate the dollars and cents, the pounds and the pence which the passage of this bill may annuaily draw from our treasury? God forbid. I would have never entered upon any such inglorious work, had it not been, time and again, reiterated that the passage of such a bill as this would impoverish The average age of those who took part in that memoour country, bring ruin upon our republic. Sir, I would rable conflict would now be at least seventy-seven years. pass this bill were I certain that the consequent exaction The numerous cases which have been referred to the

Sir, we can derive some information touching this subject, by referring to the census recently taken of the whole population of this country. It will appear that the whole number of the free white male inhabitants of this republic, between the age of seventy and eighty, very little exceeds fifty-seven thousand. Between those periods are included a very great proportion of the men who could have served in the war of the revolution.

FEB. 29, 1832.]

Revolutionary Pensions.

Committee on Revolutionary Pensions, during the present session, go to prove this.

[H. OF R.

induced to call around them their children and their children's children, and by one more patriotic effort rivet their affections still stronger to the republic, by pointing to them this act of the justice and gratitude of their beloved country.

There is no room to doubt that nine out of ten have transcended the age of seventy-five years. If, then, the whole male population of the country between seventy and eighty is fifty thousand, there can be no question that Mr. WARD, of New York, said he should detain the at least one-half of that number have not yet attained the committee but a few moments with the remarks that he age of seventy-five, and could not have taken a part in the should make upon the bill under consideration. I could war of the revolution. Admitting, for argument, that thirty have wished, said he, that the Committee on Revolutionary thousand male persons now inhabit this country, between Pensions had reported a separate bill in favor of the offithe ages of seventy-five and eighty, this would be the ex-cers and soldiers of the continental army, who served prior tent, for it will be found that the whole free white male to the 1st day of October, 1780, and who have received no population of the country, between the ages of eighty and gratuity or compensation from the United States, or from ninety, a little exceeds fifteen thousand. The thirty thou- their respective States, either in land or money, and who sand persons, then, between the ages of seventy-five and have just cause of complaint, because they were not proeighty, embrace a great proportion of the men who engag· vided for by the act of 1828, and that the committee had ed in the service of their country during the war of the only made provision in the bill under consideration for the revolution. I would, then, address myself to the most de- State troops, levies, and militia. I say, sir, that I should termined foe to this system, and ask him in his candor to have been gratified, had the committee reported a bill for tell me what portion of this thirty thousand were em- that class distinct from all others; because it was their ployed, were engaged, in the performance of revolutiona- earnest request that their claims might be allowed to stand ry services. Sir, I think he would at once reply, not on their own merits. They entertain the opinion that more than two-thirds of the number could have been thus their claim upon the country presents a stronger title to employed. the public consideration than that of the officers and solI will take occasion to mention a fact in relation to my diers who entered the service at a later period of the war, own region of country. In my native town, the whole on the ground that when the war commenced, Congress number of persons between the ages of seventy and eighty had not a dollar in the treasury, nor the means of commandare twenty-three. Fourteen of those persons took no part ing one; and that, as they engaged in the service at that in the war of the revolution; four or five are now in the time without the promise of pecuniary reward, they could receipt of pensions. Sir, the population of that region not have been influenced in the slightest degree by mohas increased gradually, but slowly. Those who were tives of interest. This class cannot now exceed two hunyoung in those days are now grown old. New Hampshire dred and fifty, or, at most, three hundred, including officers was one of the pioneers of the revolution: no State contri- and soldiers. They claim only a deficiency of pay, acbuted more men or more means in proportion to her phy-cording to a scale of depreciation which, in March, 1780, sical and pecuniary power, than she did, in accomplishing the purposes of the war; and I verily believe that what I have remarked in relation to my native town, will hold good in relation to the other towns in the State, that not more than two-fifths of those male inhabitants, between the ages of seventy and eighty, served in the revolution.

was at the rate of sixty-one and a half dollars for one, and pray for a balance which might be found due to them, with interest.

This claim, sir, is, in my opinion, a mere matter of account. The courts of law of the United States, as well as the several States, have settled in this way all debts beFrom the foregoing facts, it follows that the result of the tween individuals, and all debts due from the United States calculations, as stated in the report which accompanies the to individuals who had, during the war, furnished supplies, bill before us, is warrantable, and will be found to be cor- or performed service other than military. The amount rect. The sum of the whole matter is, that if this bill also, suggested in the law attached to their memorial, should now pass, for a few years to come a million of dol- which is now on the files of this House, was deemed by lars may be required to carry its purposes into full effect. them a moderate allowance, in lieu of the land given to But it can only be required for a few, a very few years. those who served to the end of the war; a great portion of The surviving soldiers of the revolution have already pass-whom had served less than three years, and many for less ed that boundary which has been assigned by high autho- than one, and who had received their lands, their deprerity as the duration of human existence. ciation, and their commutation.

If by reason of their strength they should continue until Sir, it seems to me that if those who served prior to the fourscore years, yet will their strength be labor and sor-year 1780 are now only to receive by this bill an annuity row. They must be soon cut off; their places will soon in lieu of the sum claimed by them, the annuity ought know them no more forever. The day of their departure not to be limited in its commencement to the year 1830, must be at hand, their years must be nearly numbered. as respects this neglected class of troops; whilst that of While I am now speaking, I am forcibly reminded that the officers and soldiers who entered after 1780, and after even this short delay may operate to the injury of some the heat of the battle had passed, have received their anfaithful veteran of the revolution. I am reminded that,nuity from 1826. while I am staying the progress of this bill, the spirits of many of those unfailing friends of the country may have mingled with the kindred spirits of just men made perfect. I am reminded by the journals of the day, by every newspaper that I take into my hands, that here and there the brave founders of the republic are daily increasing the congregation of the dead. I am reminded by the kind letter of a reverend clergyman in this city, received since I came into this Hall, that one, for whose relief a bill had been prepared, has been gathered to his fathers. I cannot fail to be reminded by these events that I ought to proceed no further. I would, then, most solemnly urge this committee not to delay the passage of this bill; and my fervent prayer to the Father of the faithful would be, that many may long live to enjoy its benefits. That they may be VOL. VIII.--122

The committee, however, after having had the subject under their consideration, have deemed it most expedient to report the bill in its present form; and although I should have been happy had they adopted the course I have suggested, yet I submit with pleasure to their better judg ment. Nevertheless, I must be permitted to entertain the hope that the committee will yet propose an amendment to the bill, which will extend the annuity to this class back to the year 1826.

Sir, I have examined the bill under consideration, and am on the whole inclined to believe (since the committee have deemed it expedient to report it in the shape it now is) that it is the best one that could have been presented to the House. It is impossible to frame one that shall touch the justice of the case in all respects. I am, sir, for one,