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STATE SOVEREIGNTY DENIED.

285

1961.

usurpation on the part of the Executive to give any assurance that Congress would not exercise that power.

When this correspondence reached Charleston, Governor Pickens ordered Hayne to present the demand for the surrender of Sumter forthwith. He did so,“ in a letter of considerable length, to which January 31, Secretary Holt gave a final answer on the 6th of February, in which, as in his reply to Senators Fitzpatrick, Mallory, and Slidell, he claimed for the Government the right to send forward re-enforcements when, in the judgment of the President, the safety of the garrison required them-a right resting on the same foundation as the right to occupy the fort. He denied the right of South Carolina to the possession of the fort, and said :-" If the announcement, so repeatedly made, of the President's pacific purpose in continuing the occupation of Fort Sumter until the question shall be settled by competent authority, has failed to impress the government of South Carolina, the forbearing conduct of the Administration for the last few months should be received as conclusive evidence of his sincerity. And if this forbearance, in view of the circumstances which have so severely tried it, be not accepted as a satisfactory pledge of the peaceful policy of this Administration towards South Carolina, then it may be safely affirmed that neither language nor conduct can possibly furnish one. If, with all the multiplied proofs which exist of the President's anxiety for peace, and of the earnestness with which he has pursued it, the authorities of that State shall assault Fort Sumter, and peril the lives of the handful of brave and loyal men shut up within its walls, and thus plunge our common country into the horrors of civil war, then upon them and those they represent must rest the responsibility.”

Here ended the attempt of the conspirators of South Carolina to have the sovereignty of that State acknowledged by diplomatic intercourse. It had utterly failed. The President refused to receive Governor Pickens's agent, excepting as "a distinguished citizen of South Carolina,” and also refused any compliance with the demands of the authorities of that State. He had been strongly inclined to yield to these demands; but recent manifestations of public opinion convinced him that he could not do so without exciting the hot indignation of the loyal portion of the people. Coincident with these manifestations were the strong convictions of Holt, Dix, and Attorney-General Stanton of his Cabinet.'

1 The secret history of these public demonstrations of a desire to hold Fort Sumter has been given by General Daniel E. Sickles, in a brief eulogy of Mr, Stanton, the Secretary of War during a greater portion of Mr. Lincoln's Administration. "Toward evening, on one of the gloomy days in the winter of 1861," says Sickles, "the Attorney-General (Stanton] sent for one of the representatives in Congress from New York, and informed him that unless the public opinion of the North was instantly manifested, the President would yield to the demand of South Carolina, and order Major Anderson back from Sumter to Moultrie. It was decided at once that an envoy should go to the principal Northern cities and announce that the President had decided to maintain Anderson in Sumter at all hazards. "Fire some powder,' said Stanton; all we can do yet is to fire blank cartridges; a thousand bullets or a bale of hemp would save us from a bloody rebellion. The President will not strike a blow, but he will resist if he sees the temper of the people demands resistance. Go and fire some cannon, and let the echoes come to the White House. The next day salutes were fired in New York, Philadelphia, Albany, and other cities, in honor of President Buchanan's determination to sustain the gallant Anderson. Congratnlating telegrams were sent from prominent men in all these cities to the President; the corporate authorities of New York passed earnest resolutions of support; several journals, in leading articles of remarkable power, indorsed and commended the decision of the President. The next day the decision was made. The demand of South Carolina for the evacuation of Fort Sumter pas refused; it remained only for the South to secede, or make war."-Address at the Opening of the American Institute Fair, in New York, on the 12th of September, 1865.

286

COMMISSIONERS REFUSED RECOGNITION AS SUCH.

Before “Commissioner” Hayne was dismissed, “ Commissioner" Thomas J. Judge appeared on the stage at Washington, as the representative of Alabama, duly authorized “to negotiate with the Government of the United States in reference to the forts, arsenals, and custom houses in that State, and the debt of the United States." He approached the Presidente

through Senator C. C. Clay, Jr., who expressed his desire that • February 1, 1861. when Judge might have an audience, he should present his cre

dentials and enter upon the proposed negotiations." The President placed Mr. Judge on the same footing with Mr. Hayne, as only a "distinguished” private gentleman, and not as an embassador; whereupon Senator Clay wrote an angry letter to the President, too foolish in matter and

manner to deserve a place in history. The “Sovereign State of 6 February 1.

Alabama" then withdrew, in the person of Mr. Judge, who argued that the course of the President implied either an abandonment of all claims to the National property within the limits of his State, or a desire that it should be retaken by the sword.”

No further attempts to open diplomatic intercourse between the United States and the banded conspirators in “seceded States” were made during the remainder of Mr. Buchanan's Administration; and he quietly left the chair of State for private life, a deeply sorrowing man. “Governor,” said

the President to Senator Fitzpatrick, a few weeks before, when « January 24.

the latter was about to depart for Alabama," the current of events warns me that we shall never meet again on this side the grave. I have tried to do my duty to both sections, and have displeased both. I feel isolated in the world.”

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PREPARATIONS FOR THE INAUGURATION.

CHAPTER XII.

THE INAUGURATION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN, AND THE IDEAS AND POLICY OF

THE GOVERNMENT.

HOLY

ONDAY, the 4th of March, 1861, will ever be a memorable day in the annals of the Republic. On that day a Chief Magistrate was installed who represented the loyal and free spirit of the nation, which had found potential expression in a popular election. That election proclaimed, in the soft whispers of the ballot, an unchangeable decree, that slave labor should cultivate

no more of the free land of the Republic. Professedly on account of that decree, the advocates of such labor commenced a revolt; and it was in the midst of the turmoil caused by the mad cry of insurgents, that Abraham Lincoln went up to the National Capital, and was inaugurated the Sixteenth President of the United States of America.

The inaugural ceremonies were performed quietly and orderly, at the usual place, over the broad staircase at the eastern front of the Capitol, whose magnificent dome was only half finished. In order to insure quiet and safety, and the performance of the ceremony in the usual peaceful form, General Scott had collected about six hundred regular troops in the city, but they were so scattered that their presence was scarcely perceptible. They had been making their way to the capital in small numbers from different points for several weeks, and the conspirators were so impressed with the belief that the total force was enormous in strength-that a vast number of troops were hidden all about the city—that they abandoned the scheme of seizing Washington, preventing the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln, and placing one of their number in the Executive Chair. They were undeceived, four days before the inauguration, by a Message of the March 1, President, in response to an inquiry by Congress concerning the number of troops in the city. It was then too late for them to organize

1861.

1 See page 143.

* Mr. Burnett, of Kentucky, offered a resolution in the House of Representatives on the 11th of February, which was adopted, asking the President for his reasons for assembling a large number of troops in Washington; why they were kept there; and whether he had any information of a conspiracy to seize the Capital, and prevent the inauguration of the President elect. On the 5th of the same month, Wigfall had offered a resolution in the Senate, asking the President why, since the commencement of the session of Congress, troops had been gathering in Washington; munitions of war collected there; from what points they had been called, &c., and under the authority of what law they were held for service in the National Capital. The President did not answer these inquiries until the 1st of March, when he declared that there were only six hundred and fiftythree private soldiers in the city, besides the usual number of marines at the Navy Yard, and that they were ordered to Washington to "act as a posse comitatus, in strict subordination to the civil authority, for the purpose of preserving peace and order," should that be necessary, before or at tho period of the inauguration of the President elect. In the mean time a Committee of the House had investigated the subject of a conspiracy; and the members of that body were so well convinced of its existence, that a resolution, expressing the opinion that “the regular troops now in this city ought to be forthwith removed therefrom," was laid on

TIIE INAUGURAL PROCESSION.

the “Minute-men” of Maryland and Virginia. This condition, and the natural belief that many of the thousands of the loyal people who were

pouring into the Capital to participate in the ceremonies were well armed, kept the enemies of the Republic in perfect restraint.

The dawn of the 4th of March was pleasant, and the day was a bright one. Washington City was crowded by more than twenty-five thousand strangers, a large portion of them the political friends of the President elect. The streets around Willard's Hotel were densely packed, at an early hour, with eager watchers for the appearance of Mr. Lincoln. The forenoon wore away, and he was yet invisible to the public eye. He was waiting for Mr. Buchanan, who was engaged almost up to twelve o'clock, the appointed hour for the inaugural ceremonies, in signing bills at his room in the Capitol. Then he was conveyed rapidly to the White House, where he entered a barouche, waited upon by servants in livery, and hastened to Willard's. The President elect, with the late Senators Pearce and Baker, there entered

the carriage, and at a little before one o'clock the procession, under the direction of Chief Marshal Major French, moved along Pennsylvania Avenue toward the Capitol. Mounted troops, under the direction of General Scott, moved on the flanks on parallel streets,

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BCENE OF TIIE IXATGURATION.

the table by a very large majority. The alarm for the safety of the Government archives, which prevailed throughout the country, had instantly subsided when it was known that troops were called to Washington.

1 Marshal French was assisted by thirteen aids and twenty-nine assistant marshals, representing loyal States and Territories. Besides these were eighty-three assistants. The marshal's aids wore blue scaris and white rosettes. Their saddle-cloths were blue, trimmed with gilt. The assistant marshals wore blue scarfs and white rosettes. Their saddle-cloths were white, trimmed with blue. Each carried a baton two feet in length, of blue color, with ends gilt two inches deep. The procession was composed as follows:Aids. Marshal-in-Chief.

Aids.
A National Flag, with appropriate emblems.
The President of the United States, with

the President Elect and Suite, with Marshals on their left, and the Marshal of the United States for the District of Columbia (Colonel William Selden)

and his Deputies on their right.
The Committee of Arrangements of the Senate.

Ex-Presidents of the United States.
The Republican Association.

The Judiciary.

The Clergy:
Foreign Ministers.

The Corps Diplomatique.
Members elect, Members, and ex-Meinbers of Congress,

and ex-Members of the Cabinet.

The Peace Congress.

Heads of Bureaus.
Governors and ex-Governors of States and Territories, and Members of the Legislatures of the same.

Officers of the Army, Navy, Marine Corps, and Militia, in full uniform.
Officers and Soldiers of the Revolution, of the War of 1812, and subsequent periods.

The Corporate Authorities of Washington and Georgetown.
Other Political and Military Associations from the District, and other parts of the United States.

All organized Civil Societies.
Professors, Schoolmasters, and Students within the District of Columbia.

Citizens of the District, and of States and Territories.
There was a military escort under Colonels Harris and Thomas, and Captain Taylor. The carriage fa

THE INAUGURAL CEREMONIES.

289

The party

ready for action at a concerted signal. They were not needed. The procession passed on without interruption, excepting by the enormous crowd.

At half-past one the two Presidents left the carriage, went into the Capitol, and, preceded by Major French, entered the Senate Chamber arm in arm. Mr. Buchanan was pale and nervous; Mr. Lincoln's face was slightly flushed with emotion, but he was a model of self-possession. They sat waiting a few minutes before the desk of the President of the Senate. “Mr. Buchanan,” an eye-witness said, “ sighed audibly and frequently. Mr. Lincoln was grave and impassive as an Indian martyr.” soon proceeded to the platform over the ascent to the eastern portico, where the Supreme Court, the Senate and House of Representatives, Foreign Ministers, and other privileged persons were assembled, while an immense congregation of citizens filled the space below.

Mr. Lincoln was introduced to the people by Senator Baker, of Oregon; and as he stepped forward, his head towering above most of those around him (for his hight was six feet and four inches), he was greeted with vehement applause. Then, with a clear, strong voice, he read his Inaugural Address, during which service Senator Douglas, lately his competitor for the honors and duties he was now assuming, held the hat of the new President. At the close of the reading, the late Chief Justice Taney

which the two Presidents rode was surrounded by military, so as to prevent any violence, if it should be attempted.

1 "I caused to be organized," says General Scott, " the élite of the Washington Volunteers, and called from a distance two batteries of horse artillery, with small detachinents of cavalry and infantry, all regulars."Autobiography of General Scott, iii. 611. The General says, that during the two months preceding the inauguration, he received more than fifty letters from various points, some earnestly dissuading him from being present at the ceremony, and others threatening hin with assassination if he dared to protect the ceremony by a military force.

* The best description of the personal appearance of Mr. Lincoln, according to the author's own vivid recollection of himn in January, 1865, is the following:

*Conceive a tall and gaunt figure, more than six feet in hight, not only unencumbered with superfluous flesh, but reduced to the minimum working standard of cord, and sinew, and muscle, strong and indurated by exposure and toil, with legs and arms long, and attenuated, but not disproportionately so to the long and attenuated trunk. In posture and carriage not ungraceful, but with the grace of unstudied and careless ease, rather than of cultivated airs and high-bred pretensions. IIis dress is universally of black throughout, and would attract but little attention in a well-dressed circle, if it hung less loosely upon him, and the ample white shirt collar was not turned over his cravat in the Western style. The face that surmounts this figure is half Roman and half Indian, bronzed by climate, furrowed by life-struggles, seamed with humor; the head is massive, and covered with dark, thick, and unmanageable hair; the brow is wide and well developed; the nose large and fleshy; the lips full; cheeks thin, and drawn down in strong corded lines, which, but for the wiry whiskers, would disclose the machinery which moves the broad jaw. The eyes are dark gray, sunk in deep sockets, but bright, soft, and beautiful in expression, and sometimes lost and half abstracted, as if their glance was reversed and turned inward, or as if the soul which lighted them was far away. The teeth are white and regular, and it is only when a smile, radiant, captivating, and winning, as was ever given to mortal, transfigures the plain countenance, that you begin to realize that it is not impossible for artists to admire and woman to love it."-Eulogy on Abraham Lincoln: by Henry Champe Deming, before the General Assembly of Connecticut, at Hartford, June 8, 1865.

: On that day the veteran journalist, Thurlow Weed, wrote as follows for the editorial column of his paper, the Albany Evening Journal :

* The throng in front of the Capitol was immense, and yet the President's voice was so strong and clear that he was heard distinctly. The cheers went up loud and long.

** After he commenced delivering his Inaugural I withdrew, and passing north on Capitol Hill, saw Generals Scott and Wool, in full uniform, standing by their battery-the battery memorable for its prowess in Mexico. I could not resist the impulse to present myself to those distinguished veterans, the heroes of so many battles and so many victories. They received me cordially, General Scott inquiring how the inauguration was going on. I replied, 'It is a success. Upon which the old hero raised his arms and exclaimed, 'God be praised! God in His goodness be praised !'

* In leaving these scarred and seamed veterans, my mind went back to the long interval and striking events which have occurred since 1812, when I first saw them-General Scott a major of artillery, and General Wool a captain in the Thirteenth Infantry, both alert, active, buoyant young men-General Scott tall and erect, but remarkably slender in form, with flowing flaxen hair. Nearly half a century has passed. They have fought

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