jobs for themselves. This naïve charge, in the light of subsequent events in New York, must now appear at least gratuitous. As a second member of our Executive Committee has said: The New York plan is as strongly a system of state recognition of collective bargaining as it is possible under present conditions to have adopted. This must certainly redound to the benefit of organized labor as well as to that of employers who are favorably disposed. Furthermore it must be admitted that when bills are before a legislature and public hearings are held it is a narrow vision that would lead either employers or employees to attempt to deny to any group its undoubted right to be heard. As a third member. of our Executive Committee has said: No branch of legislation compares with labor legislation in the manner and extent of its bearing upon the interests of two distinct classes of the community: industrial employers and industrial employees. Those most directly conversant with facts are parties in interest. Perhaps they may claim legitimately to be left undisturbed in the peaceful settlement of their disputes. But when legislation is demanded an appeal is made to the public as standing above the parties. Such an appeal proceeds upon the theory that there is a legitimate public interest in the controversy and that there are principles applicable to the settlement. Do either employers or employees expect that their presentation should be accepted by the legislature as the sole competent evidence? Legislation is not litigation. It is important that the public should receive information from a disinterested source. The. American Association for Labor Legislation claims to be disinterested and aims to supply such information. Many of the demands of labor coincide with true and enlightened public interest, and the American Association for Labor Legislation therefore devotes its efforts chiefly to the safeguarding and protecting of the interests of those who labor; but if it were to endorse every demand that comes from those who represent labor it would speedily lose its usefulness. Legitimate criticism of the activities of the American Association for Labor Legislation must be directed to showing that it has proceeded without proper examination of the subject matter or that it has shown undue bias, not to the fact that it does not agree with the demands of labor. It seems to me quite beside the point to speak of despotism and dictation. The legislature is a free agent, and the American Association for Labor Legislation exercises such influence as it has, which is the common privilege of American citizenship. The efficient, nonpartisan administration of labor laws has long been regarded as the most vital problem before this Association. The campaign of 1915 has directed public attention to the problem and has led to important legislation. Proponents of this legislation have, of course, made no claims as to its perfection. As in all legislation, minor flaws will have to be remedied as they are revealed by further experience. CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION Finally, one of the big efforts of the year 1915 centered around the New York Constitutional Convention. A representative committee organized by the American Association for Labor Legislation met frequently during a period of six months and drafted and presented to the convention four proposals with a brief of sixty printed pages. Eight members of the committee went to Albany and urged the adoption of these four proposals, and the two minor ones were finally accepted by the convention. The two big fundamental propositions were rejected. In fact, the draft of the proposed new constitution was very niggardly in its provisions for labor and it was overwhelmingly defeated by the people at the November election. Last week I made inquiry of the secretary of state as to the total vote against the proposed constitution, and I was told that they did not know how many votes were cast against it because they were still counting them. Since then it has been publicly announced that the constitution was defeated by a majority of more than 500,000-by the largest vote which had ever been recorded in the state against any candidate or any proposal. However, as a result of this earlier activity the Association is prepared with carefully drafted proposals for constitutional amendments which may be submitted to the legislatures in 1916. CORRESPONDENCE AND LITERATURE In the course of the year's work there have been mailed from the Association headquarters more than 123,000 letters and notices in connection with our membership, educational and legislative campaigns. In addition there have been distributed with letters and in response to requests more than 161,000 pieces of literature. For educational purposes there were also distributed 5,050 copies of the quarterly REVIEW, in addition to those sent to members. The paidup membership for the year 1915 is 3,094. STATEMENT Of Cash ReceIPTS AND Disbursements from January 1, 1915, We have examined the treasurer's books of the American Association for Labor Legislation for the period from January 1, 1915, to January 4, 1916, and we certify that the foregoing is a summary of the cash transactions shown by the books as being applicable to the year 1915. All receipts as shown by the cash books were deposited in banks and all disbursements of cash, other than those from petty cash which were approved by responsible officials, were supported either by properly receipted invoices and memoranda or by cancelled checks bearing endorsement of the payees. Price, Waterhouse & Co., |