scale the votes of States in the condition of Tennessee, Louisiana and Arkansas; but, that the loyal people of those States should be protected in their purpose of presenting their votes for the acceptance or rejection of the two Houses of Congress, manifestly follows from the measures already taken to secure to them the enjoyment of a loyal republican State government; and, to any fair exercise of this privilege of voting, it is difficult to see how they could have dispensed with safeguards like those proposed by Governor Johnson. The McClellan ticket was, however, declared to be withdrawn, and and the opponents of the Administration in Tennessee mostly abstained from voting.

Great exertions were made by the Opposition to carry the State of New York for McClellan, and to re-elect Governor Seymour. The Rebel Benjamin's project of "colonizing voters" from Canada, may or may not have been actually undertaken. Certain it is, that a gigantic fraud was attempted, under the peculiar law of New York, in regard to the voting of soldiers by proxy-a fraud requiring no small expenditure of money for its execution. The parties convicted of this

crime were manifestly but the tools of others unknown, from whom they received the means and the incitement. There is reason to believe that, but for the discovery of this enormity before the plot was fully carried out, the actual voice of the people of New York would have been annulled, and a false majority returned. It is not uncommon for charges of fraud or unfairness in elections to be loosely made on both sides. It would certainly be unjust to hold any party, as such, responsible for all that designing individuals may do in its behalf. But the statements made in this instance are based on definite proof, and the facts fall in, not unnaturally, with the conduct of many of the men who were zealously striving for the defeat of Mr. Lincoln.

On the 8th day of November, the people expressed their sovereign will in regard to the Presidency and Vice-Presidency for another term. In the midst of the struggle with a powerful rebellion, at the close of a canvass in which the party

administering the government, had been assailed in the most violent and threatening terms, and at a time when on-looking nations might naturally expect ruinous convulsions and a lapse into anarchy or despotism, the election in every city, village, and precinct of the loyal States, proceeded with an order and decorum scarcely equalled in the most peaceful times. Even the soldier who was just going into battle remembered the day, and was careful to exercise the right of a freeman. The spectacle was impressive. Its lesson could nowhere be mistaken.

In 1860, Mr. Lincoln had received the electoral votes of seventeen States, (that of New Jersey being divided,) in all 180 votes, and an aggregate popular vote of 1,866,452. In 1864, the number of States that voted for him was twenty-two,* having a total electoral vote of 213, while he received an aggregate popular vote of 2,203,831. The whole number of votes cast for Mr. Lincoln in 1860, in the slave-holding States was 26,430. In 1864, he received in those States (including Maryland, West Virginia and Missouri, which became non-slaveholding during his administration) an aggregate vote of 169,728. These several statements do not include Tennessee, Louisiana or Arkansas, the votes of which were excluded in the official canvass by Congress.

Only three States voted for Gen. McClellan, namely: New Jersey, Delaware and Kentucky, giving an aggregate electoral vote of 21. Mr. Lincoln thus received more than ten to one in the electoral college. The total popular vote for McClellan was 1,797,019. The majority for Mr. Lincoln on the popular vote was 406,812.

*This includes the States of Kansas and Nevada, admitted into the Union since 1860, and of West Virginia, formed by the division of the State of Virginia.

The vote of the several States may be seen in the following

On the evening of November 10th, a procession, with music, banners and transparencies, marched to the White House to pay their compliments to President Lincoln. A national salute was fired, and cheers, prolonged and earnest, greeted the appearance of the President at the window from which he was accustomed to speak when thus called out by his friends. On this joyous occasion, free from any manifestations of merely

*The official report of the Canvassing Committee, on the second Wednesday in February, as printed in the Globe, gives but two electoral votes for Nevada, and a total for Mr. Lincoln of 212.

M'Clellan

personal or even partisan triumph, he made the following memorable speech:

FRIENDS AND FELLOW CITIZENS: It has long been a grave question whether any government not too strong for the liberties of its people can be strong enough to maintain its own existence in great emergencies. On this point the present Rebellion brought our Republic to a severe test; and a Presidential election, occurring in regular course during the Rebellion, added not a little to the strain.

If the loyal people united were put to the utmost of their strength by the rebellion, must they not fall when divided and partially paralyzed by a political war among themselves?

But the election was a necessity. We can not have free government without elections; and if the rebellion could force us to forego or postpone a national election, it might fairly claim to have already conquered and ruined us. The strife of the election is but human nature practically applied to the facts of the case. What has occurred in this case, must ever recur in similar cases. Human nature will not change. In any future great national trial, compared with the men of this, we shall have as weak and as strong, as silly and as wise, as bad and as good.

Let us, therefore, study the incidents of this, as philosophy to learn wisdom from, and none of them as wrongs to be revenged.

But the election, along with its incidental and undesirable strife, has done good too. It has demonstrated that a people's government can sustain a national election in the midst of a great civil war. [Enthusiastic cheers.] Until now, it has not been known to the world that this was a possibility. It shows, also, how sound and how strong we still are. It shows that,

even among candidates of the same party, he who is most devoted to the Union, and most opposed to treason, can receive most of the people's votes. [Long-continued applause.] It shows, also, to the extent yet known, that we have more men now than we had when the war began. Gold is good in its place, but living, brave, patriotic men, are better than gold. [Applause.]

But the rebellion continues; and now that the election is over, may not all, having a common interest, re-unite in a common effort to save our common country? [Cries of "Yes," "Good."] For my own part, I have striven, and will strive, to avoid placing any obstacle in the way. So long as I have been here, I have not willingly planted a thorn in any man's bosom.

While I am deeply sensible to the high compliment of a reëlection, and duly grateful, as I trust, to Almighty God, for naving directed my countrymen to a right conclusion, as I think, for their own good, it adds nothing to my satisfaction that any other man may be disappointed or pained by the result. [Applause.]

May I ask those who have not differed with me to join with me in the same spirit toward those who have?

And now, let me close by asking three hearty cheers for our brave soldiers and seamen, and their gallant and skillful commanders.

The cheers were given with hearty good-will in response to the President's call. A venerable Democrat in the crowd remarked, with feeling: "God is good to us. He has again given us as a ruler, that sublime specimen of His noblest work, an honest man."

The result of the election becoming known to the army, Lieut.-Gen. Grant sent the following congratulatory dispatch to the Secretary of War:

CITY POINT, Nov. 10, 1864-10.30 P. M. Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War:

Enough now seems to be known to say who is to hold the reins of Government for the next four years.

Congratulate the President for me for this double victory. The election having passed off quietly, no bloodshed or riot throughout the land, is a victory worth more to the country than a battle won.

Rebeldom and Europe will construe it so.

U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant General.

The election had, in fact, demonstrated to the Rebels, and to the world, that the people were determined to sustain our armies, and to keep their ranks filled with new levies, so long as needed, until the last vestige of armed opposition to the Government should disappear. To the soldier, and to the cit izen ready to become a soldier-should he be wanted-the result was alike gratifying. The assertion of the Chicago platform, that the war was a failure, was branded as false. The impudent demand for a cessation of hostilities, in the midst of the full tide of success, was emphatically rebuked