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to the University of Cambridge. That is, the students college situated in the heart of a great city, and, again, of these colleges perform the same work as the uni- it is new in being the first affiliated college whose versity men, but in their own college building. There graduates are entitled to a university degree. The stu. is no co-education such as is in operation at Cornell and dents of Newnham, Girton, Somerville, Lady Margaret, Ann Arbor. The Newnham women are satisfied so and the Harvard Annex must content themselves with long as they attain the standard of excellence pre- what is called a “degree certificate,” testifying that the scribed by the university, and it is a matter of slight candidate's scholarship would have entitled her to a importance to them whether or not they receive in- degree if she had been a man. struction at the same hour, and in the same room, The new college, affiliated to Columbia College, will with their brothers.

bear the name Barnard, a name made eminent by one of There is unquestionably a prejudice in America the most far-sighted and advanced educators of Ameragainst annexes. At the Woman's International Con. ica the late president of Columbia College. Barnard gress at Washington one delegate protested in the College is situated at 343 Madison Avenue, five blocks following terms : “Those bright, enthusiastic, large- from Columbia College. A student of Barnard College framed, and big-hearted young women of the West, will do the same work as a student of Columbia, will those young women who have in their eyes the dis- have the same instructors, and will take the same ex. tant horizon of their prairie homes, will have nothing aminations. Barnard College opens with a school of to do with annexes.' Possibly the prejudice is due arts only, but in time she hopes to offer the broadest wholly to unfortunate associations with the word it. opportunity for scientific training. self. It is certainly difficult to respect the word in its The college will receive for the first year a fresheducational significance, when we have annexes to man class only; consequently, its first graduates will hotels, to shops, and to ferryboats! The English ex- receive their degrees in 1893. It is to be hoped that pression for the objectionable term is “affiliated col- Barnard College will meet a support which will enable lege," a description certainly more dignified.

her to keep ahead of the present movement at ColumA new affiliated college opens in October in New bia towards encouraging and providing for graduate York City. It is new in that it is the first woman's work.





A View of the Confederacy from the Inside, federate Government in 1861, nor until the last of A LETTER FROM JUDGE JOHN A. CAMPBELL, FORMERLY ASSISTANT October, 1862. General Randolph, whom I scarcely

knew, asked me to be Assistant Secretary of War, Fort PULASKI, GEORGIA, 20th July, 1865. with an apology for doing so. Y DEAR SIR: I learn that you have interfered in The war had then assumed gigantic proportions:

my behalf to obtain my release from arrest and confiscation acts and emancipation proclamations, and confinement. I am obliged by your interposition, and the administration of government in New Orleans and appreciate it the more because that the war has made North Alabama, seemed to place a new face upon the no change in my feelings toward yourself.

It appeared to be a war upon political and civil You are aware that I was not a patron or friend of society and government within the Confederate States. the secession movement. My condemnation of it and The Southern country had greatly suffered: I had my continuance in the Supreme Court were regarded spent much time with the sick and wounded, and had as acts for which there could be no tolerance. When witnessed bereavement, distress, destitution, suffering, I returned to Alabama in May, 1861, it was to receive as well as devotion and fortitude. The civil institucoldness, aversion, or contumely from the secession tions were debilitated. Much of the business and feel. population. I did not agree to recant what I had said, ing of the country centered in the War Department, or to explain what I had done; and thus, instead of ap- and there was a want of some controlling mind in regpeasing my opponents, I aggravated my offense. This ulating its civil and judicial business. The conscription was still more aggravated by my opinion that cotton brought all persons of military age under its jurisdicwas not king; that privateering would not expel North- tion; impressments affected property, military dominaern commerce from the ocean, but would affront Euro. tion very often infracted personal liberty and private pean opinion, and that privateering and slavery would right. There had been delay and vexation in the prevent recognition, and that the war would be long transaction of business. and implacable; that the Northern people were a I did not desire a conspicuous place, and every proud and powerful people that would not endure the overture to place me in Mr. Davis's cabinet had been supposed insults they have suffered, and that their discountenanced with emphasis. I declined to go "pocket nerve” was not their most sensitive nerve. abroad. My wish was to be of use in mitigating the Messrs. Toombs and Benjamin were promising peace evils there were upon the country. I cannot make you before the winter. I had no connection with the Con- feel how large they were.

1 The original of this letter, here printed for the first time, is in wrote to President Johnson, and finally succeeded in getting Judge the possession of Charles P. Greenough, Esq., of Boston. When Campbell released. This letter was written when Judge Campbell Judge Campbell was imprisoned in Fort Pulaski his former asso). learned that Judge Curtis was making efforts in his behalf.

'The ciates on the Supreme Bench, Judges Curtis and Nelson, both text of the original letter has been carefully followed. – EDITOR.



I never labored more. I do not know that any one weakness ; it carried despondency and dismay among man has suffered from any act of mine any aggravation the people. It did not serve to recruit the army - the of his calamity. I do know of large classes that ex- supply of men was exhausted. perienced sympathy and assistance. When my arrest The army was reduced by desertions, and these now was known the leading member of the Society of became more numerous and from a better class of men. Friends called on Mrs. Campbell to say that every The difficulties of the time led to desertions from the member of the society in the district would petition workshops and manufacturing establishments. The for my release, and he actually carried to Washington commissariat experienced the pressure of the time City such a paper.

earliest among the bureaux. Supplies were hoarded. There are other testimonials equally grateful to my Sales were refused for bonds, and certificates and bills feelings. I resigned twice and attempted to do so at could not be had. Impressment could not be relied other times. But there were considerations that would on. The army was for most of the time on half-rations, not allow me to press the offer. I did not hold to the and the largest supply at Richmond and Petersburg office from avarice, for the annual salary was never during the whole winter was a supply of six days. worth $500 in specie, and became at last just $100. The transportation was almost exhausted. The When I entered the office I supposed I might become Piedmont road, through Danville and Greensborough, useful in the settlement of a peace if I were connected North Carolina, became the principal channel of comwith the Government. There was no opportunity for munication. Its entire capacity was 192 tons daily, and this in 1863, and not until 1864 had nearly expired the daily demand of the army was 120 tons. The road could the subject be broached with any advantage. was put out of repair three days during the winter by

There were discontents with Mr. Davis, and those rains, and we had to ask the citizens of Richmond for who desired to weaken him made use of the desire for flour from their reduced family supplies, and the 1000 peace to effect the object. They represented him as barrels obtained cost $650,000. In the same woful averse to peace and that negotiations would bring condition was the transportation by animals. The facts peace. None spoke of union as a basis of peace; all in regard to arms, ammunition, medical supplies, etc. repudiated a disposition for peace on that basis. In disclose a similar condition of ruin. 1864 I became satisfied that the resources of the Con- You would suppose there could be no difficulty in federacy for another campaign were exhausted. The convincing men under such circumstances that a peace finances, recruiting of soldiers, commissariat, transpor- was required. But when I look back upon the events tation, ordnance and ammunition, and medical supplies of the winter, I find that I was incessantly employed had all failed. None were adequate for another cam- in making these facts known and to no result. paign. The Secretary of the Treasury did not make a A committee of Congress was appointed to examine fair and candid report in November, 1864. The unan- the state of the commissariat; was informed of it and swered requisitions amounted to $170,000,000, and he did not report. The President was called upon to afford had no means to answer them. He had issued (nearly) knowledge of finances, recruiting, etc.,- in a word, the to the maximum limit, treasury notes, and they were at state of the Confederacy,—and did not answer. Letthe time thirty to one as compared with specie. But ters were addressed on single portions of the deficiency his failure to supply these requisitions, and his inabil. and no heed was taken of them. ity to do so, prevented the making of requisitions for In December I wrote to Judge Nelson a letter in. $250,000,000, which were also due. This was not re- viting an interview with him, and asking that Messrs. garded in his report nor provided for in his estimates Ewing, Stanton, or yourself might come. I obtained or budget. I brought this matter to the attention of a license to write this letter and to have this communithe Secretaries of War and Treasury and the truth was cation. admitted. It became finally to be seen that the finances, There were for discussion, as the issue of the war, were in hopeless ruin. Treasury notes to $400,000,000 the questions of union, slavery, confiscation, pains and had been issued ; these were selling as sixty to one for penalties, forfeitures for taxes, limits of western Virspecie at the treasury. The supply of specie 15th ginia – in fact, all civil society in the Confederacy was February was $750,000 ; bonds and certificates of de involved. I supposed that with these intelligent and posit were not salable, taxes were difficult of collection, sober-minded men the embarrassments and perils of and irritation and discontent existed because the out. the condition could be mitigated. I was then fully standing indebtedness was not liquidated. The esti- disposed for peace. I have never had a reply to the mates of the year for the War Department were letter, though I was told there was one. In lieu of this $1,337,000,000 in Confederate bills and the restriction there came Francis P. Blair. on issues not taken off.

He duped Mr. Davis with the belief that President The condition as to men was nearly as bad. In April, Lincoln regarded the condition of Mexico with more 1862, conscription embraced those between 18 and concern than the war; that he would be willing to 35; in October, 1862, those between 35 and 40 were make a suspension of hostilities under some sort of added; in July, 1863, those of 40 and 45 were added; collusive contract, and to unite Southern and Northern in February, 1864, those between 17 and 50 were troops on the Rio Grande for the invasion of Mexico, added; all men who had placed substitutes in ser- and that after matters were assured in Mexico affairs vice were called for and exemptions were curtailed. might be adjusted here. This was the business at During the war there had been exemptions and details Hampton Roads. I was incredulous, Mr. Hunter did for civil and industrial service. Manufacturies, me. not have faith. Mr. Stephens supposed Blair to be chanical and agricultural employments, were sustained “the mentor of the Administration and Republican by details, but in October, 1864, a sweeping order of party.” revocation was made. This order evinced extreme We learned in five minutes that the assurances to Mr. Davis were a delusion, and that union was the than any other, I believe. The idiosyncrasy of one man condition of peace. I had always supposed this to be defeated the design. It would not be proper to speak the case, and had refused all discussions on the subject of Mr. Davis in his present circumstances with any of negotiation unless that condition was first admitted. harshness. I do not believe for a moment that he parI had never regarded a peace on that basis as inadmis- ticipated in the plot to destroy Mr. Lincoln. His husible; but, on the contrary, was firmly persuaded that manity, pride, sense of his own reputation and character, the programme of independence had failed with the tenacious observance of the rules he esteems imporloss of the Chesapeake Bay, Mississippi, Tennessee, tant, not to take into account his religious and moral and Cumberland rivers, and the coasts of the Carolinas. principles of action, forbid me to believe this without

The change in the conditions of the war by the con- strong and direct proof. But he was unfitted to manage fiscation acts and proclamation unquestionably pro- a revolution or to conduct an administration. Slow, pro. longed it. When I came from Hampton Roads I crastinating, obstructive, filled with petty scruples and recommended the return of our commission or another doubts, and wanting in a clear, strong, intrepid judgcommission to adjust a peace. I believed that one ment, a vigorous resolution, and a generous and selfcould be made upon the concession of union and the sacrificing nature, he became in the closing part of the surrender of slavery, upon suitable arrangements. I war an incubus and a mischief. so advised my colleagues. I wrote to Governor Graham I decided to abide the fate of Richmond - an inof North Carolina a careful letter explaining all my evitable fate; General Lee could neither hold it nor views, for exhibition to his brother senators. A com- move away from it. His ruin was sealed, and with that mittee was raised to wait on Mr. Davis (Graham, the fate of the Confederacy. This I stated in the letter Hunter, Orr) and conversations were had with him. referred to; I told the Secretary of War I should This failed. I then wrote a careful review of all the remain, and should take an opportunity to see Mr. conditions of the military service and of the financial Lincoln, if possible. I would like to have his authority and political state of the country, and recommended a to do so, but should do so without it. negotiation for peace on the basis of union, as neces- The United States troops entered Richmond the sary. This was addressed to General Breckinridge. morning of the 3d of April. The evacuation took place It was submitted to General Lee, and reports from the night previously. There was only wanting a the Commissary.General, Quartermaster-General, and licentious soldiery to make the scene appalling, but Chief of Ordnance obtained, and the whole placed be the United States soldiers behaved with propriety. fore Mr. Davis. This led him to ask Congress to There was conflagration, plunder, explosions of repeal their resolution to adjourn. He submitted these arsenals, magazines, gun-boats, and terror and conin a secret message, without note, comment, or exposi. fusion. tion, and at the same time submitted a public message, Mr. Lincoln came to Richmond the 4th of April. I scolding Congress for delay and inattention and urging had an interview with him. I told him that the w3. a vigorous prosecution of the war and the adoption of was virtually ended, that General Lee could not hold the following measures :

his army together, that the public men in Virgint 1. Suspension of habeas corpus. 2. Organization would aid him to restore the Union, and that he mig of militia. 3. To raise $3,000,000 in gol. 4. To im- rely on this. I urged him to adopt a course of lenier press without cash payments. 5. To modify the law as and moderation —“That when lenity and cruelty pa: to the use of detailed men. 6. Arm slaves.

for a kingdom the gentler gamester is the soonest The four last were granted, and could not have af- winner"; that I had regarded this war as one befected, and did not affect, our condition in the slightest tween communities, the one contending for indepen

dence, the other for continued union; that the successful No notice was taken of the secret message. The party in any event should have made his success as Congress replied with tartness to the charges as to little aggravating to the other as possible; that were delays and inattention, and retorted the charges. Gov. independence to be won, still a close union was an. ernor Graham was ready with resolutions for negotia. ticipated to be formed. I stated to him my position tions, but the conduct of Mr. Davis indisposed others - that I had remained because I knew that the war to consider them.

was virtually over, and to perform my duty to the There seemed to be a superstitious dread of any ap- country. proach to the one important question of settlement by It so happened that I was the only person who had negotiation. Mr. Davis, with the air of a sage, declared occupied any position of prominence that did remain, that the Constitution did not allow him to treat for and so I had to speak for Virginia what would have his own suicide. All that he could do would be to re- been more appropriate for a Virginian. I noticed this ceive resolutions and submit them to the sovereign to Mr. Lincoln. States; that his personal honor did not permit him to He concluded to remain until the next morning to take any steps to make such a settlement as was pro. have another interview. He made no reply to what I posed. The result is, that each citizen of the Confedsaid at this time. The next morning I met him on eracy is making his separate treaty on the basis of the Malvern, Mr. G. A. Myers, an established member President Johnson's mercisul amnesty proclamation. of the bar of Richmond, going with me, and General

I have stated to you the facts. I do not pretend to Weitzel being present. have done more than to accept conditions that were Mr. Lincoln had reduced to writing his terms of nexorable, a to endeavor to stop the effusion of blood, peace. * There were three indispensable conditions: and to husband the remnants of the resources that had 1. Recognition of the national authority. 2. No cesnot been consumed by the war. This I did with more sation of hostilities till this was entirely done. 3. No urgency, and a more consistent and definite purpose receding by the Executive in reference to slavery, as



manifested in his proclamation and other official papers. Undoubtedly the capture of Lee made the use of the All other questions to be settled on terms of sincere machinery I have suggested as unnecessary for the liberality

purpose of securing peace, and I have not complained He agreed to release all confiscations to those States of Mr. Lincoln. Whether a better plan to secure a that would forth with recognize the national authority, prompt, cheerful, and complete pacification could have and proposed to charge those for the continued ex- been suggested or has been adopted remains to be penses that rejected this offer. He handed me this seen. I desired that the men who could control opinion paper after explaining it. He spoke of pains and and who commanded the public confidence, and who penalties. He said that it would not be proper to offer were ready to abide by the Union, should not be disa pardon to Mr. Davis,— whom we familiarly call Jeff. carded or disfranchised, but their coöperation and aid Davis,— who says he will not take one, but that al- should be received with cordiality. But I do not place most any one could have anything of the kind for the any stumbling-block in the way of any other policy, asking

and am content to have peace and pacification as they I replied to his remarks by urging the suspension of may be awarded by the conquering powers. hostilities to treat.

You are well aware that I was not a fanatical proI told him that the effect of such a measure would slavery man; I had voluntarily liberated all of my be peace on his own terms; that General Lee could slaves before the war some years. In 1847 1 had, in a not hold his army together under such circumstances; review on slavery in the “Southern Quarterly Re. that our trouble had been to find the man or men who view," advocated as a duty the amelioration of the law would take upon themselves the responsibility of ac- of slavery and proposed the establishment of the legal tion. Mr. Davis objected that he could not constitu- relations of slaves in the family on a firm foundation, tionally make peace and destroy himself. General and the removal of restraints on voluntary emancipa. Lee had said that he could only make military conven- tions, on education, and to abolish all sales under legal tions; Congress had been unwilling to act without Mr. or judicial orders or process. In articles on the same Davis and General Lee; but that now there would be subject, and in conversation, I agreed that ameliorano hesitation, because the military situation was more tion was a duty and necessity. In 1860-61 some of the critical and the necessity more urgent.

Southern papers called me an abolitionist. I submitted to him the draft of a convention I had I agree too that President Lincoln's proclamation drawn and placed before General Breckinridge and was one of that class of measures that determine the Mr. Davis as a mode to make peace on the basis of policy of a people for weal or woe. In the state of union. He assented to the existence of the difficulty, the world's opinion there could not be a step backtook my paper for consideration, and said he had been ward. Mr. Lincoln felt this, and one of his conditions considering of a plan to call the Virginia legislature of peace was “no receding by the Executive" from ogether that they might restore the State to the Union. his position, and his explanation was his promise never He said that it was important for that legislature to do to recede. is, that they were in the condition of a tenant between We have now to test the wisdom of the measure. In

o contending landlords, that the tenant should attorn regarding the subject of slavery in former years, I have the successful party who had established his right. esteemed as the greatest calamity that could befall

e said he had a government in northern Virginia, but the country the introduction of emancipation except its margin was small and that he did not desire to through the agency of the State governments; that the enlarge it. He learned from Mr. Mye the condition conditions of the society should be ameliorated by the of the legislature and whether it could be convened, society itself. I have uniformly admitted that there and declared that he would make known his conclu- was a fatal error in supposing that the perils of the sion when he got to City Point.

South were to be obviated by political or party arrangeIn this conversation there was no effort to mystify ments at Washington. The remedy was in a social or to overreach. I knew that General Lee's army amelioration at home, commencing in the manner inwould fall apart, or suffer a great disaster. The stores dicated in the article in the “ Review” and others of a at Richmond were lost in the evacuation ; there were similar nature. no magazines in the country, and I did not believe that But the precise evil before us is emancipation by the the stock saved in Petersburg could sustain his army armed force of States not holding slaves and who have five days if all were saved. But the fact was that he enlisted in their armies probably one-sixth of the virile lost his supplies at Petersburg, and that his capture population of slaves as auxiliaries. was compelled by the disorganized state of his army Whether prosperity will follow from this disturbance in consequence of a loss of his provisions. This had of the society is the difficult problem before us, and been made known as a probable consequence a month surely it is one that will task all the faculties of our previously.

peoples and the best qualities of their nature. It does Three days after my conversation the capture of Gen- seem to me it is a sufficient burden, and that the coneral Lee took place. In the intervening period com- quest is sufficiently embarrassing without the enforce. menced the work of fulfilling Mr. Lincoln's wishes. ment of the laws that Mr. Seward stated to me at He consented in a letter to General Weitzel to the call Hampton Roads were the offspring of the most veheof the Virginia legislature, but upon the capture of ment passion in time of war. Mr. Burke, in his tract General Lee revoked the call, and the newspapers, with on the Policy of the Allies, has exposed with his chartheir usual and characteristic disposition to cersure, acteristic clearness the rules by which statesmen may have charged upon General Weitzel and myself some compose the elements of a state torn by revolutionary impropriety. The charge against me is that of having factions and plunged in the worst excesses of civil war. circumvented Mr. Lincoln.

In his speech on Conciliation of America he developed Vol. XXXVIII.— 126.




Maria Mitchell.

counsels for enlightened patrial statesmen, who would her professional work. The special students in soothe the discontents in an empire and to preserve it astronomy were never very many, but her infiuence from war. I should rejoice to see these adopted in the was not confined to them. She took her meals in the present crisis.

large hall and was familiar with all the students, and I was arrested the 22d of May, at 10 P.M., under a wherever she appeared there blew a fresh breeze of short, abrupt order from the War Department. I was genuine life. Clear and strong and pure as the sea at home, where I had been since the evacuation of Rich- breeze over the south shore of her native island, her mond, and expected no evil and thought none. I re- personality made itself felt, sweeping away all tendency mained on the gunboat (Mossivood) in James River to the sickly sentimentality which is apt to be found before Richmond a few days, and after an hour's notice where many girls are congregated, and to the flattery was sent to this fort. I saw in the report of the mili- of which so many women teachers weakly yield. Her tary court a letter that had an indorsement of mine. absolute truthfulness of character never failed to find I supposed it possible that this had something to do and fortify the honest intent, never missed striking with my arrest. I addressed General Ord, command- and banishing all affectation. Nogirl could come before ing at Richmond, a letter of explanation, and requested her without being self-judged. Such a presence is of that copies might be sent to Mr. Stanton and Mr. Holt. inestimable value in a college like Vassar. But I am still here. The officers are courteous and Nothing was more characteristic of her than the considerate and I suffer no indignity. But I should way in which she accepted the position and the salary be glad to know why I am arrested and detained. offered her, without ever thinking to inquire whether

My affairs greatly need attention. Without any the salary was the same as that given to the other profault my fortune has been nearly exhausted. An ex- fessors. It was the chance to work that she wanted, plosion that took place at Mobile has put in ruins that the chance for influence in one of the first colleges for upon which I depended to support my family. I women. The money she was to receive was a minor earnestly desire to labor in their behalf. With kind consideration, and quite as characteristic was her indigremembrance to your daughter,

nation when, after being there for a considerable time, I am your friend,

her attention was at last called to the fact that she,

J. A. Campbell. a mature woman, with a European fame, was receiving Hon, B. R. CURTIS, Boston, MASS.

a salary less than that paid to some of the professors who were young men, almost entirely without experience, and quite destitute of reputation. The indignant

protest, which then called for an equal salary, was not WHATEVER is most characteristic and strongest in a personal affair. She flamed out in behalf of all women, the New England type was perceived at once in Maria and of abstract justice, with a glow which forced an Mitchell. To those who are not well acquainted with immediate increase in salary. The excuse for this inthat type she would have appeared perhaps a little justice must be found first in the fact that, at the time hard and brusque. But in the genuine New England when Vassar College was established, women had nox character there is always a depth of tenderness which proved what they can do in professional lines, and, seccan be depended on to appear when most wanted, and ond, in the very conservative influences which guided that quality was not lacking in her. She was especially the policy of the institution. In her religious belief fond of children, and a welcome friend to them, because Maria Mitchell was attached to one of the so-called at once they felt in her the sincerity which was the key. most liberal sects. The children of the old Quaker note of her whole being. Those who had only rever- families of Nantucket generally went over to the Unienced and respected her learned to love her after seeing tarians if they departed from the strict faith of their her with children. Respect she always commanded, fathers, so that in this matter also she was almost if not not only from those who knew her, but from strangers. quite alone at Vassar. But she was appointed on the I remember being impressed with this power when I ground of her reputation as an astronomer, and fortuheard her rebuke a rough man who undertook to smoke nate was it for the college that the question of her rein an omnibus ; the absolute fearlessness, the plain ligious belief was not raised till after her appointment. straightforward telling of the truth that he had no right The absolute truth which, as I have said, was the to do this and that he infringed on the rights of others, keynote of her character, could not fail to make her and his instant obedience to her request, made an im- teaching thorough, for a love of truth is one and the pression upon me which never can be forgotten. same, whether in the intellectual or the moral sphere.

The New England characteristics were perhaps in- But, as with all true teachers, it was the force of her tensified in her by the Quaker training and home in- personal character that acted most upon the young fluence. Those who were at Vassar during the first women with whom she came in contact. Noone of them years of the college must all remember the silent but was lifted and strengthened by her strength, sincer“grace" at table, which was a tribute of respect to the ity, and single-heartedness. It was difficult for her to old father brought to live there by his daughter as one use diplomacy in never so small a degree, and what condition of her accepting the call to a professorship. skill in it she did gain was the outcome of long years The bond between her and her father was unusually of experience, and she never employed it without a strong, and the two had a happy home together in the mental protest. She gave the New England stamp to observatory building till the old man died. After that whatever work she touched, and the lines of influence time Miss Mitchell still lived there, having some one she has left on many characters are as indelible as of her students as a companion, so that her life was, those on the rock surfaces of New England's granite whenever she chose to make it so, quiet and solitary hills. in the company of her telescope and surrounded by

Anna C. Brackell.

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