ONE year ago President Truman paid us the honor of attending our celebration of Pan American Day. Today we are similarly honored by Senator Vandenberg, political leader and statesman of vast renown. The presence of such outstanding public figures cannot be interpreted as mere gestures of courtesy. Rather, it is natural to suppose that these men in high office have sought to give our Pan American ideals the prestige and encouragement which they deserve historically and which at present take on special significance.

In fact, there are various significant circumstances connected with Pan Americanism in the year 1947:

a) Pan Americanism is just now going through a quiet period of reorganization and consolidation. But it must be clearly understood that this is not the result of any crisis. The historic development of Pan Americanism over a period of more than a century sets it apart as the most vital world force ever known for moral unity, mutual cooperation, democratic growth, and juridical organization among free nations. Slowly but surely all the countries of the American continent have made a constant contribution to a common ideal. Just as a crystal is perfected through the course of time until one can gaze through it into space, so Pan Americanism has been defining itself, clarifying the disinterestedness of its intentions and the efficiency of its achieve

Address delivered at the special session of the Governing Board, Pan American Day, April 14, 1947.

ments. It was thanks to this evolution, that the moral, spiritual, and ideal forces, the pooling of efforts, the spontaneity of wills, and the common aspirations made of this continent the powerful force that young America contributed to the victory of democracy, freedom, and man's dignity on earth.

Before the world war ended, the nations of America assembled at the historic Castle of Chapultepec. There, conscious of their history and their future, they saw fit to set down their juridical principles, construct machinery for the Inter-American System, and coordinate efforts for the furtherance of their work. They agreed that the Ninth International Conference of American States, which will meet at Bogota in December of this year1 shall define once and for all the method and structure of our Inter-American System. This is indeed an historic moment.

b) The value of the Inter-American System, with all of its moral and spiritual ideals, its historic past and its expectant future, won recognition by the allied nations as a regional force which ought not to be dispensed with in the world organization of the United Nations. The result was that young America, around the same table with the veteran nations of history, shared in the responsibilities for the peace, security, and welfare of the

nations.

The integration of the regional system as a living force in the world organization does not signify the crippling or the end 1 January 17, 1948 was later set as the date.-EDITOR.

of the Inter-American System. The origins of this system are rooted in a history older than that of the United Nations' world organization. The more the Inter-American System is strengthened in its own. sphere of action, the more vigorous the world organization will be.

Pan Americanism is not a stream which surrenders its waters only to have them disappear, but one which contributes its flood as a symbol of life, without giving up its channel, its force, or its volume.

It was a happy circumstance that at a given moment the aspirations, ideals and wishes of the two organizations should coincide, and the two will go on cooperating as long as they stand for a common ideal. This does not mean that Pan Americanism has lost its character, or its intention to perfect itself, or the task set for it as a regional organization by the United Nations Charter. It is right that this is so, for in the final analysis the sentiment and the idea will always be stronger than the structure that encloses them, flexibility will be stronger than the rigid form, conviction stronger than force.

Thus the best way in which Pan Americanism can prepare and adapt itself to provide the help it promised and is already furnishing the United Nations constitutes another of the fundamental aspects now confronting it. This will also be a subject of prime importance for the next International Conference of American States.

c) The Conference in Mexico was called to intensify the cooperation of the American Republics in the problems of war and the transition to peace, to prepare for participation in the future world organization, to consider the stimulus which must be given to the Inter-American System, and also to promote the economic solidarity of the Continent.

I do not know where the economic problem ends and the political problem begins, just as at dusk one cannot determine exactly when light ends and darkness begins. But it appears to me that the world of the 20th century has no economic problems which are not at the same time political problems, and that every political phenomenon involves an economic question mark. But after all, the truth is that most of the American Republics have up to now traditionally concerned themselves with perfecting those ideals historically called political, which explains in large part their internal civil strife. But today one cannot conceive of an institution or government as thoroughly performing its task of providing for the people's welfare if a great part of this welfare does not embrace economic comfort, a high standard of living, steady employment, the organization of labor, the sacrifice of individual for collective welfare.

Here then is a blank page which Pan Americanism should begin to fill in by establishing constructive bases for the economic progress of the Americas. This includes development of their natural resources and industries, improvement of transportation, modernization of agriculture, development of power plants and public works, stimulation of private capital investments, growth of employers' executive capacity and of technical specialization, improvement of labor standards and conditions, education of the people for the cooperative effort needed to bring about the common welfare. Hence it is important that alongside a definition of the rights and duties of states we have a definition of the rights and duties of man, focused not only on political habeas corpus but on economic, cultural and spiritual habeas corpus. It should also focus on the definitive reorganization of the InterAmerican Economic and Social Council

and its cooperative relations with the similar organ of the United Nations.

d) As the visible and permanent center of Pan American activity, the Pan American Union has reached another interesting and historic moment. Dr. Rowe's paternal and wise direction of many years has passed into history, along with all the honor and glory he so richly deserved. The principle of rotation provided by the American nations at the Chapultepec conference will bring young, new blood to that delicate and important position in our central organization, and also a mass of grave responsibilities. I do not doubt that a new manner and a new rhythm of work will be brought to the Pan American Union by the change of director that will go into effect in 1947.

e) As you see, these moments with their problems have a tremendous reality and responsibility. Certainly we cannot accept what some think-that Pan Americanism is decadent. By no means. What happens is that the problems of transition from war to peace have so engrossed public attention that apparently those of Pan Americanism, with its ever ascending path and its well-earned prestige, have

been automatically relegated to a secondary level. The nations allied by the war have set themselves the difficult task of organizing and launching the world entity of the United Nations, in an effort to avoid new wars and plan a peace based upon ideals and practices of freedom and justice assuring a tranquil future and the economic and spiritual health of victors and vanquished. That is to say, the great world body now emerges upon the firmament with the dazzling force of a celestial body of the first magnitude, naturally dimming for the moment the light of the star which moves within its orbit.

But let us rest assured. The discreetness and the silence of Pan Americanism do not signify any lack of vigor or even of brilliance, just as natural marvels do not cease to exist simply because there are no eyes to see them.

Today, Pan American Day, we renew our faith in the moral forces of humanity. Let us continue our quiet and enlightening work, our "moral union of the Americas," our ties of brotherhood, cooperation, and solidarity, our contribution to the peace. and progress of the world, for the past sustains us and the future is ours.

I AM happy to join this morning with the representatives of twenty-one American Republics in commemorating the founding of the greatest continental community of nations which has ever blessed the peace and progress of the world.

I am deeply grateful to the "good neighbors" who form this international

Address before the special session of the Governing Board of the Pan American Union in honor of Pan American Day, April 14, 1947.

fraternity for the privilege of speaking upon this significant occasion, which symbolizes our common bonds, our common hopes, our common aspirations, our common heritage and our mutual good will.

Just so long as we keep our Western World in tune, we shall here preserve the healthiest and most useful regional society of sovereign peoples on this earth.

If we look back to its creation on April

14, 1890, the Pan American Union is fiftyseven years young today. But if we look back to the heroic Simón Bolívar and his first Congress of American States in 1826, the roots of our Union stem back nearly a century and a quarter. Those were rugged, pioneering times. Indeed, such were their uncertainties that our Own United States delegates to that initial gathering in Panama were unable to participate. One died on the way and the other was a week late. But a glorious idea was born in that first hopeful adventure. The acorn is an oak today.

In those early intervening years there were numerous significant conferences which marked steady progress toward hemispheric peace and solidarity. But it was a particularly important and prophetic day when the present Pan American Union was formally created in 1890; and every succeeding anniversary, from that hour to this, has confronted us with new incentives and new needs to keep Our twenty-one Republics inseverably linked in the friendly unity which is our mutual protection and our incalculably precious benediction. Any threat to this unity betrays the welfare of every one of these twenty-one sovereign Republics. I am proud to say confidently that this is the firm sentiment of the people of the United States.

Two years ago this month we all went to San Francisco to help build the United Nations in order to knit the peace-loving peoples of the world in one common bond of peace-living fellowship, to serve human rights and fundamental freedoms. It was a tremendous event in the evolution of international morality. But there came a dubious moment when it looked as though the larger, untried project was to swallow up our regional institutions and end their lives for keeps. I shall never forget the thrilling and tenacious zeal with which

the American Republics-all of themsprang to the defense of our Pan American ideal. They were ready to look forward to the larger vision of a coordinated world; but they declined to turn their backs upon the blessed record of a united hemisphere. They were ready to embrace the new fraternity, but not at the expense of abandoning the old. The vitality of Pan Americanism will never have a greater demonstration of affectionate devotion than in those critical days when San Francisco was deadlocked on this problem.

It was my honor and responsibility to serve as chairman of the sub-committee which struggled for many long days and nights to find an acceptable formula which could preserve the over-riding authority of the United Nations and yet leave the cooperation of Pan America unimpaired. I joined wholeheartedly with my friends in the other twenty American Republics— as did the solid, sympathetic Delegation from the United States-in unyielding insistence upon a satisfactory answer to this challenge. When we finally succeeded with our task, the glad rejoicing was unrestrained. I shall never forget that historic night when each Republic, in turn, spoke from its heart in deepest satisfaction that the problem had been solved. Such relationships are beyond price in the affairs of humankind.

In my opinion it is possible that there might never have been a San Francisco Charter if we had not been able to agree upon Chapter VIII on Regional Arrangements. Equally, in my opinion, the United Nations is infinitely stronger as a result of this regional recognition that the cooperative unity of the Americas shall persist in all its mutual good-wills.

None of us would for an instant subtract from the supreme mandate of the United Nations in respect to international peace and security. All of us will seek to build