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arms and to fight in defence of the and honour of a few; that these country at the hazard of their lives. few have a right, by birth or by He knows well, that all Journey-wealth, to compel the many to men and Labourers, whether single shed their blood for them; and or married, whether non-house- that the many ought, in fact, to be holders or house-holders, are considered in no light higher than liable to be so compelled, and that that of dogs in a kennel, or cattle they really are so compelled. He upon a farm. Great craft and promay, notwithstanding what has found hypocrisy may be able to been said, still insist that the Jour- produce a confusion of ideas on neymen and Labourers pay no the subject, and to deceive the taxes; but, he will hardly insist very, very credulous part of manthat they carry no muskets, and kind; but, as Sir Francis has shed no blood! He will hardly neither craft nor hypocrisy, this is pretend, that it is the masters and the answer he must give, or confarmers, and the "gentlemen of the fess that his house-holder plan is Country," who, at bottom, real- unjust as well as whimsical. ly carry the arms, and that it is But, there is yet a body of men, their blood, which runs through whom the house-holder plan the holes made in the coats of the would exclude. I mean all the soldiers and in the jackets of the regular soldiers and sailors. These sailors! It will demand some- are not house-holders, to a certhing beyond even the logic of tainty; and upon what principle HUDIBRAS to make out this doc- are they to be shut out? Is it detrine. Well, then, if it be the real sirable for a Reformed Parliabodies and blood of the People, ment to adopt the system of the without any distinction of house- Boroughmongers in keeping these holder and and non-householder, men separate from the people; which are verily and indeed com- in giving them no common interpelled by law to expose them-ests and no common feeling with selves in defence of the country, the people; in doing all that can upon what principle will Sir Francis be done to make them envy and defend his wish to shut out more hate the people; in rendering than one half of them from the right of voting? I should like to have a distinct answer to this question; and, distinct, indeed, it must be, if given at all, for there is no possibility of evading or blinking the question.

In fact, the only answer must be, that the mass of the people were born and live for the benefit

them wholly insensible to the rights and liberties of their country? Oh, no! Sir Francis Burdett does not think this. But, what does he think, then? Why would he exclude the soldiers and sailors? They cannot be householders; but, are they to have no rights left them, because they have engaged to venture their

men, who wear red coats and blue jackets pav, in proportion to their means, heavier taxes than the Lords and "the Gentlemen of the "Country" pay. Their pay would afford them double the quantity of beer, sugar, tea, &c. that they now can get, if there were no taxes on these articles. Upon what principle, then, can they be shut out? The Duke of Richmond included Soldiers and Sailors in his proposed Reform ; and, certainly, to exclude them would be unjust in the extreme.

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lives for their country's safety and serve under a German Officer, honour? Those of our country-whom the law positively forbids to be so entrusted and employed. This, as I have before stated, is a matter of the greatest conse quence; for, though I believe, that he never did approve of it, he has never publicly said so; and, therefore, the striking circum. stance requires explanation. As to the abandonment of the Reformers and their cause at the begin ning of the session, it requires no explanation, because it will admit of none. It requires apology, it requires confession of neglect of duty; but of explanation justifi catory it admits not. This affair of the son does; and it ought to be demanded. What would be said of you, if one of your sons were seen in a German cap and jacket, muff and tippet, with big black-balled whiskers under his nose, covered with all sorts of tinsel and tapes, with a ridi cule bag and big sword at his heels, and with a pair of long crooked spurs screwed into his boot heels? I know you will say, that you would rather see him There is one more subject upon sweeping the streets; but, what which I would demand an expla- would the People say? That is -nation; namely, whether Sir the question. I know that you Francis did, or did not, approve will say, that forty Baronetcies of his son's going into the Stand-and forty big estates would not be ing Army in time of peace, and to a compensation for such a calamity.

I would demand, and it is very probable that I shall demand, on the hustings of Covent Garden, a distinct answer to all these questions. I see, that the Ministers are very shy of dissolving the Parlia ment, and they shall look sharp, if they act before I am ready for them. If, however, I am not at hand, I know, well, that you will do your duty; I know well, that you will not be induced to remain silent, while any deception, or any mummery is going on.

But, again I ask, what would the not approve, the explanation People say 2 Why, they would cannot possibly fail to do himself

good, while it can do his son no harm, for the fact cannot go beyond the suspicion with regard to him; but, if Sir FRANCIS did approve, it is unmanly in itself and unjust towards the people as well as towards his own son, not to avow the approbation.

Vain is the imagination of that man, who supposes, that these questions are to be avoided by the sticking of some delegate upon the hustings to say, "thus and thus saith Sir Francis." A delegate will not easily be found, if it be recollected how the Meeting of Delegates was abandoned. But,

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be slow to condemn"; their justice would induce them to wait for an explanation; but, having waited for about two years, and received no explanation, they would begin to think, that you disdained their good opinion very much, that you thought yourself wholly unaccountable to them, or that your doctrines about Standing Armies were intended, like some men's sermons, for the benefit of every body but yourself. Either Sir Francis did approve of his son's entering the Standing Army in time of Peace, or he did not: if he did, he has wholly abandoned his political principles; if one should be found, there must if he did not, an explanation is due be another Subscription, if any to the people, and, if the explana man appears in opposition, as I tion be not given, his contempt of trust there will. And, who is the people is exceeded by that of to subscribe? Will the Whig no man living. You recollect how many persons asked me for this explanation in November, December, and January last. You know how many doubts and surmises arose from the want of an explanation. You know, that one gentleman, formerly a warm advocate for Sir FRANCIS, declared that this had so disgusted him, that he would never again stir an inch in any cause, in which Sir FRANCIS was a chief. If lie did

Lords? The very thought makes one shudder. No: though he has abandoned us, I never can wish to see Sir FRANCIS BURDETT covered with "shame and infamy so great! After being elected by the means of such a subscription, I verily believe the sight of him would kill me. The People will not subscribe. They cannot be asked to subscribe. Will Sir Francis pay the expences himself? Away, then, goes

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like a star from the firmament. Yet, to this it must come, or, if boldly opposed, he will not be re-elected.

talk about impeaching CASTLEREAGH, but no impeachment; much talk about Reform and halfa-dozen unmeaning motions, for Committees, but no Bill. In short, with few exceptions, all has been talk, a great deal of talk against the Standing Army; and, what do we see? Much talk about the truehearted Major CARTWRIGHT, while the City of Coventry is intended for Colonel MAINE.

For, the day of account is now come. Men now look back, and ask, what has been DONE? They have heard a great deal of talk; but, upon summing it up, they find so many cyphers, that the amount is nothing. There is no thing that remains to be seen and felt. No bold and indelible re- This is the greater part of the cords of the infamy of our persè account. This is pretty nearly cutors; much talk about extrava- the sum total of the produce of gant expenditure, but no well-all the zeal, all the exertions and drawn summary of the whole, no all the devotion of the people of close and intelligible account of Westminster, who, whatever the it; much talk about the Debt and Rump of a Committee may think, Paper-money, but no distinct pro- are not to be made to believe that positions, recorded on the jour-talking and doing are the same nals; much talk about the plun- things. der and the distribution of the plunder, but no manuel for the people to carry about them and to refer to; much talk about the conduct of Judges and Attornies General, but no list of distinct

With the most anxious wishes for your health, I remain,

Your faithful friend,

And most obedient servant,
WM. COBBETT.

ERROR. In No. 2, folio 35, line 6 from and undeniable charges; much the bottom; instead of love, read tone.

Entered at Stationers' Hall. Printed and Published by and for WM. JACKSON, No. 11, Newcastle Street, Strand; and Sold, Wholesale and Retail, at No. 192, Strand, London.

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Vol. 33, No. 4.---Price Two Pence.

COBBETT'S WEEKLY POLITICAL REGISTER.

LONDON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 24, 1818.

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The packet which you have been so kind as to send me is very valuable in itself, and will, I hope, not become useless in my hands; but, in estimy mation, it is doubly valuable as coming from you.

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sible of the great help, which you have herein afforded them in the pursuit of their studies, and I am sure, that this help will greatly contribute to their means of being able to assist us in demolishing the despotism, which now oppresses and degrades our be loved country. I would recommend to every one, and especially to all the young men, to read the Letters abovementioned.

Thus you go on, in spite of danger and in spite of age, to sow the seeds of useful knowledge and of national freedom; and, when I think of the wonderful efforts you have made, and the not less wonderful effects that

you

I have read attentively your Letters, addressed to Sir Francis Burdett, and published in the Statesman of the 12th, 19th and 21st of August last; and also your Letters, addressed to the Lord Mayor, and published by Mr. Hone in June or July last. As far as talent and knowledge go, I find nothing new here; for talent and knowledge mark all you write and all you say. Nor am I at all struck by the ardent zeal, the devotion to country, whichly from you? If your knowledge, are here apparent in every line; but, I do find here a good deal of novelty in your mode of assailing the Banditti and I have to return you my particular thanks for the great mass of legal constitutional knowledge, contained in these Letters, in which thanks I am joined by my Sons; for, they are sen

have produced; when I think of these, and of the immense benefits to our country from your bright example; when I think of these, how am I to think without indignation of COLONEL MAINE having been selected for Coventry and Mr. BROUGHAM for Westminster? I know you will say: Ne-. 66 ver think of me. Never mind me. "Think only of the cause." But, how are we to think of the cause separate

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your talent, your devotion to the cause, qualified as you are in all other respects, are not sufficient to put you before Colonel Maine and Mr. Brougham, how is that cause ever to suc ceed? You are proving to the world the ignorance as well as the political turpitude of this unprincipled lawyer; you are doing this in Letters addressed to Sir Francis Burdett; and, in the face of all this, Sir Francis is calling

Printed by W. Jackson, 11, Newcastle-street, Strand.

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