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Vol. 33, No. 5.--Price Two Pence.

COBBETT'S WEEKLY POLITICAL REGISTER.

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LONDON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 31, 1818.

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Publisher hopes, however, that he has in no instance failed to convey a distinct idea of the purport; and that the present Abridgement is so far a whole as not only to shew what it is that is wanted, but also the

Mr. COBBETT, in last week's Register, having not only shewn the great utility of making as public as possi ble the Contents, or Substance, of MAJOR CARTWRIGHT's Bill for a Reform of Parliament; but, having offered the use of the REGISTER to means by which it might be easily

that end, and Major Cartwright hav-effected.

ing accepted the offer, the Publisher

is of opinion that he ought not to delay the execution of their intention: the more especially, as the present week, being the first week of the present Session (which it is to be hoped is also the last Session) of the unreformed Parliament, is obviously a proper time for such a Publication.

A BILL,

ENTITLED,

An Act for securing the Rights and Liberties of the Nation, by a Constitutional Representation of the Commons in Parliament, and Parliaments of a Constitutional conti

nuance.

J. Whereas the property, the character, the liberty, and life of every man depends on the law of the land, and every man is bound to obey the

As the whole of the Bill cannot be contained in one Number of the Register, and seeing that it cannot (for the reasons stated last week) advantageously occupy more than one Number, a tolerably copious Abstract law. is all that the Reader will expect. Major Cartwright, however, having

2. And whereas, by à maxim of signified a wish that the Preamble, our law, "every man is in judgment containing twenty-five self-evident" of law, party to the making an a Principles, or admitted maxims in" of Parliament, being present thereat the science of Civil Government, and "by his Representatives." also the ten first Clauses of the Act, should be inserted, entire; and several 3. And whereas, by another maxi of the subsequent Clauses appearing of our law, "the lawfulness of puto the Publisher to be so important, "nishing criminals is founded upon as to alloy of little or no contraction, this principle, that the law by which the Abstract of the remaining parts" they suffer was made by their own must necessarily be very brief. The "consent."

Printed by W. Jackson, No. 11, Newcastle Street, Strand.

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6. And whereas, in consequence of which is its greatest wrong, can have these deviations from the true princi-a redress of its other grievances, or ples of civil polity, a notorious bri- can have any confidence in arrange. bery in those corporate bodies, which ments for its relief, which shall not innow for the most part monopolize the clude a full security against future opchoice of citizens and burgesses, as pression, by a Parliamentary Reform well as an unconstitutional influence in strict accordance with the just in counties, are become almost uni- rights and liberties of the People. versal characteristics of the elections of members to serve in Parliament; to the lamentable decay of private morality, of public virtue, of political liberty, and of national prosperity.

10. And whereas, when the People, being under no influence to prevent their chusing as Representatives, persons the most wise and worthy, shall have elected a Commons House, and 7. And whereas, to those corrup- shall have made such election by vir tions must be ascribed the factious tue of a statute, which shall at the and mischievous policy long acted same time afford an assurance of such upon by the ministers of the crown, House continuing wholly independent that hath at length brought the nation of the crown, it may then, although under the pressure of a taxation so not till then, be reasonably expected, oppressive and so enormous, as, con- that the People will cheerfully pay all sidering the safe insular situation of such taxes as such a Commons' House, the kingdom, the fertility of its soil, so emanating from themselves, and se the industry of its inhabitants, their in possession of their confidence, may, eminence in arts and sciences, and the after all practicable reductions in the universality of their commerce, to fur- expenses of government, find abso nish a resistless demonstration of un-lutely necessary to the public service, faithful stewardship, and ill govern- to the safety of their country, and to ment; as well as matter of great re- a relief, with all convenient speed, proach to the national character.

from its pecuniary burthens.

11. And whereas, according to the just theory of government, every male commoner, (with exception only of infants, the insane, and such as have, for criminality, legally forfeited their franchise) who directly, or indirectly, contributes to the public taxes, or whose property, character, liberty, and life, are affected by legislation, is entitled to his suffrage in the election of those Representatives of the Commons, by whom taxes and laws are imposed.

12. And whereas, the equality of Representation requires that, while preserving undisturbed the general provisions of the respective Acts of Union, whereby, first Scotland, and then Ireland, were severally united with England, under one and the same. Parliament, the continuance of any glaring disproportion in the relative Representation of the three several parts of the now-united Kingdom, would be inconsistent with justice, reason, and sound policy.

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country, which is their most valuable property, inasmuch as it is the security of all other property and of whatever else is dear to man; for so long as the rising generation shall, for any period of time whatever, be deprived of such inheritance of their property in the constitution, there will be a violation of the People's Rights and Liberties.

15. And whereas, the principles of freedom require, that while, for the purposes of legislation, for the redress of grievances, for the granting of supplies, and for superintending and controlling the conduct of the ministers of the crown, a parliament should consult on the weighty affairs of the kingdom, once at least in every year, and for a competent time.

16. Ånd whereas, more than one new Parliament in any year cannot be necessary, and repeated general elections within one year, must prove harassing and burthensome to the people, as well as that an entire uncertainty in respect of the periods at which a yearly parliament should be

13. And whereas, the several is-elected, should assemble for business, lands of Jersey, Guernsey, Sark, Alderney, and Man, ought to share in the benefit of Representation.

and should again ordinarily terminate its session and separate, would be obviously unwise and extrémely inconvenient to the Nation, it is neces14. And whereas, for determining sary that fixed days for electing a what is a constitutional continuance yearly Parliament, for its assemof Parliaments, it is requisite they be bling, and for its ordinarily sepaso limited in duration as that the ris-rating, should respectively be seting generation shall at all times uniformly, as they respectively attain the age of manhood, together with the possession and enjoyment of their lands, goods and chattels, likewise immediately enter upon, and enjoy that inheritance in the constitution of their

tled and ascertained by law: while yet the Crown should retain a discretionary power in cases of emergency, of assembling the Parliament earlier, as well as of protracting its regular session, as occasion of state might require.

17. And whereas, unless the Com- 19. And whereas, having learned mons enjoy with perfect freedom and from history, that, "the Athenians independence, the election of their "were so jealous of this prerogative, Representatives in Parliament, neither that a stranger, who interfered in public nor private liberty can exist," the assemblies of the people, was it is therefore necessary to fence" punished by their laws with death; around and protect with the most jea-"because such a person was esteemlous care, this freedom and indepen- " ed guilty of high treason, by usurpdence of election by suitable provi-"ing those rights of Sovereignty to sions of law, that shall not merely" which he had no title:" so it is guard against open violation and the obvious, that, for preserving our own unconstitutional controul and dicta- state, the usurpations, which both in tion of great land-owners and others, the counties and corporate towns of but equally against the secret machi- this kingdom are notorious, ought to nations of the unprincipled. be wholly removed, and their revival rendered, if possible, utterly impracticable.

18. And whereas, considering that when a free state happens to be too extensive and too populous for per- 20. And whereas, although the King, sonal legislation, then to legislate by who, in having efficient power for exRepresentation is an expedient 'which ecuting the law, and in having therein in no wise detracts from the legisla- no superior, has a sovereign executive tive right and sovereignty of the Peo- authority, is yet subordinate to the ple, in whose name and on whose be- Parliament; and although the Parliahalf such legislation is carried on, it is ment, which in having efficient power highly expedient, that the nature of for the making of laws, and in having this sovereignty should be rightly un- therein no superior, hath a sovereign derstood, and that in a Bill of Rights legislative authority, is yet subordinate and Liberties for putting the Nation to the Nation, of whom it is a Trustee ; in possession of the practical benefits and for whose use and benefit all poliof its constitution, it should be de- tical offices and authorities have been clared, "that, in the election of Re-created and delegated; and whereas 66 presentatives consists the exercise the Nation hath on earth no superior, ❝ of the democratical part of our con- its sovereignty is derived immediately "stitution, for in a democracy there from the Divine Author of all Nature; and this national sovereignty is therefore alone inherent and indefeasible.

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can be no exercise of sovereignty "but by suffrage, which is the decla"ration of the People's will; and "that in this realm, where the People. "debate, not in a collective body, "but by Representation, the exercise "of this sovereignty consists in the "choice of Representatives."

21. And whereas, this nation, in allowing to its chief magistrate and to certain of its legislative functionaries, exclusive privileges, beyond the ordinary franchises of the community,

privileges supposed to enable them the better to perform their functions in the service of the state-doth not surrender its own proper inherent so vereignty; it is therefore most convenient, that this inherent sovereignty of the nation should, by express provision of the law, be effectually secured against the mischiefs of treason and misprision of treason; and the more especially against all attempts at undermining the independence of Parliament, or freedom in the election of Representatives to serve in Parlia~ |

ment.

22. And whereas the upholding in this realm an order of hereditary privileged nobility unknown to the Saxon founders of our freedom, can only be with intent, that such an order in the state may be a dignified moderator between the King and the Commons, for conservation of the Constitution.

23. And whereas, any Peer of Parliament who should so disregard his obligations to a polity in which he was so highly favoured, and who should be so vicious and utterly depraved, as treasonably to strike at the national sovereignty, and the very root of his country's liberties, by any act or attempt for corrupting, controlling, unduly influencing or interfering in any election of a Commoner to serve in Parliament, in which matter he must be in law a stranger," would be guilty of an aggravated treason.

24. And whereas, the object of legislative election being to constitute a council of national representatives for the public weal, the duties of an

elector are as conspicuous as his rights; requiring that, in the election of a member to serve in Parliament be as conscientiously prefer the person whom he believes most fit for that service, and give his vote accordingly, as, were he on a jury in a trial' between man and man, touching a contested property, he would be bound to give his verdict in favour of him whom he believed best entitled to such property.

25. And whereas, a corrupt verdict, even in deciding on a suit for a trifling sum would justly expose a juror to infamy, so a corrupt vote for a member to serve in Parliament, who is there to vote on an expenditure of numerous millions of the Nation's money, as well as on whatever can affect his Country for good, or for evil, were a crime not only incurring the deepest stain of infamy, but which for its danger to the state, as an incipient treason, ought to be punished in a manner the most exemplary.

26. And whereas, in order to remedy the defects, as well as to reform the manifold abuses and corruptions which, in respect of electing the commons of the realm, have taken deep root, and for correcting the unconsti tutional duration of Parliaments; as well as that, after nearly one hundred and thirty years of disappointment, that which in 1688 the Prince of Orange professed to be his great object in coming to England, namely, that in all time to come, the nation might enjoy," a free and lawful Par

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