not possible to comparative prosperity.

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Yet a revival of the Carlists has been allowed to be sible-in certain contingencies. They may again come to the front if the way is prepared for them, as it was between 1868 and 1872, by military rebellions, pronunciamientos, and the collapse of Government. Whether these old evils will revive is beside the present question. What concerns us is the fact that the present Don Carlos no longer appeals for support on the same grounds as his grandfather. He no longer defies the army, and relies on his faithful and religious Basques, Aragonese, and Catalans. They get compliments from time to time; but he directs himself to the mass of Spaniards, and, above all, to the army, and that with pleas which amount to a surrender of all the principles of his family. When the first Don Carlos stood forth to vindicate his right to the crown, he also declared that he fought for la monarquia pura-for pure monarchy. A despotic king united to an intolerant Church were the advantages he offered his country, and it was because he did that he had the support of the Spaniards who valued these things. The Don Carlos of today talks in a very different tone. His representatives in Spain, who meet at the Círculo Tradicionalista, and whose chief is the Marquis of Zerralbo, are authorised to declare that his Majesty is no enemy to representative institutions. Far from it. He is much in favour of the

"traditional liberties" of Spain, hence the name of the club. What this means is that he will consent to restore the Cortes of Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia as they were before his ancestor, Philip V., put them down with the strong hand, because those parts of Spain fought for the Hapsburg line. It may be said, by the way, that the rest of the country was represented taliter qualiter by the nobles, and the sixteen good towns which formed the Cortes of Castile. This traditionalism, in fact, shows its fidelity to principles by throwing over the whole tradition of the Bourbon dynasty more completely than the female line now on the throne. Such is the political consistency of the flor y natathe flower and cream-of the sentimental Carlism of Spain, which meets in the Círculo Tradicionalista, and talks politics of this force in the intervals of looking out of window at the Calle de Alcalá, and playing tresillo. The cause of the monarquia pura has been wondrously translated, if they are to be trusted.

No doubt there is more in the manifestoes of Don Carlos and the speeches of his representatives. There are promises that the rightful king will give Spain a far better Government than it has had before, and will do great things for its interest and its honour. Poor Spain might do worse than take him at his word, if there were the slightest chance it would be kept. But is there? all depends on the personal qualities of the Pretender. We have left the

Carlist princes to the end, because they are the least part of their own cause. Of the gentleman who renounced his cause to save his life, who brought his vassals to die on the field, and was not man enough to die with them, nothing need be said. The first Don Carlos may have been what Ford calls him -an honest man. He was also what Ford has elsewhere to acknowledge that he was a narrow-minded bigot. He was a mere puppet in the hands of his domestic priests, till he became a prisoner to his own general Maroto, who, after preparing the way by shooting his Majesty's confidential advisers, betrayed the cause at Vergara. As regards the present Don Carlos, what is certain is that scandal has been very busy with his name. It asserts, for instance, that he helped to supply Daudet with material for Les Rois en Exil.' It says also that when he was in Spain during the last war, his attention was chiefly devoted to the cider of the Basque country, and to a certain lady abbess. Not dissimilar tales were told of his brother, Don Alfonso, who appeared (one cannot say who commanded) in Catalonia. This gentleman was accompanied by his wife-a lady of the exiled Portuguese house of Braganza, with whom scandal was also busy. The best it had to say of her was that she caused a woman who had used disrespectful language concerning herself to be whipped in her chemise all round one of the Catalan towns. We hope the story is not true. That sort of

thing was done on both sides— by the Carlists often, by troops now and then, by the Republican volunteers continually.

Scandal is not to be trusted; but it is a fact that in regard to these two gentlemen there is no evidence on the other side. There is a good deal of declamation about his Majesty's rights and the fine things he will do, but nobody ever hears of anything he has done. Yet in the last hour he came to Biscay as soon as an army was organised, and remained there till further stay became manifestly dangerous. During this period he was, for all that appeared to the contrary, with the army as a baggage-waggon might have been-to use M'Clellan's excessive jibe at Grant. much may be said about his brother, Don Alfonso, who was never taken seriously by anybody. That this was not mere prejudice may be concluded from the fact that a very different tone was taken in speaking of his wife, Doña Blanca. Even those who spoke most evil of her never denied her spirit.

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Now, it will hardly be disputed that this absence of any evidence to the possession of positive merit is very ominous for a prince who has to fight his way to the throne against all the difficulties indicated above. Indeed, we understate the case. It is not one throne Don Carlos claims but two. As he asserts his right to be King of Spain by virtue of the

Carlist princes to the end, because they are the least part of their own cause. Of the gentleman who renounced his cause to save his life, who brought his vassals to die on the field, and was not man enough to die with them, nothing need be said. The first Don Carlos may have been what Ford calls him -an honest man. He was also what Ford has elsewhere to acknowledge that he was a narrow-minded bigot. He was a mere puppet in the hands of his domestic priests, till he became a prisoner to his own general Maroto, who, after preparing the way by shooting his Majesty's confidential advisers, betrayed the cause at Vergara. As regards the present Don Carlos, what is certain is that scandal has been very busy with his name. It asserts, for instance, that he helped to supply Daudet with material for Les Rois en Exil.' It says It says also that when he was in Spain during the last war, his attention was chiefly devoted to the cider of the Basque country, and to a certain lady abbess. Not dissimilar tales were told of his brother, Don Alfonso, who appeared (one cannot say who commanded) in Catalonia. This gentleman was accompanied by his wife-a lady of the exiled Portuguese house of Braganza, with whom scandal was also busy. The best it had to say of her was that she caused a woman who had used disrespectful language concerning herself to be whipped in her chemise all round one of the Catalan towns. We hope the story is not true. That sort of

thing was done on both sidesby the Carlists often, by troops now and then, by the Republican volunteers continually.

Scandal is not to be trusted; but it is a fact that in regard to these two gentlemen there is no evidence on the other side. There is a good deal of declamation about his Majesty's rights and the fine things he will do, but nobody ever hears of anything he has done. Yet in the last hour he came to Biscay as soon as an army was organised, and remained there till further stay became manifestly dangerous. During this period he was, for all that appeared to the contrary, with the army as a baggage-waggon might have been to use M'Clellan's excessive jibe at Grant. much may be said about his brother, Don Alfonso, who was never taken seriously by anybody. That this was not mere prejudice may be concluded from the fact that a very different tone was taken in speaking of his wife, Doña Blanca. Even those who spoke

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most evil of her never denied her spirit.

Now, it will hardly be disputed that this absence of any evidence to the possession of positive merit is very ominous for a prince who has to fight his way to the throne against all the difficulties indicated above. Indeed, we understate the case. It is not one throne Don Carlos claims but two. As he asserts his right to be King of Spain by virtue of the "pragmatic sanction" of Philip V., so he claims to be King of France and Navarre, as the

representative of the elder line of the house of Bourbon. On this ground, at least, he occupies an impregnable position. Since the death of the Comte de Chambord he is the head of the house by descent, for he comes direct from Lewis XIV., whereas the Duke of Orleans only comes from the Grand Monarch's brother. It is true that Philip V. of Spain solemnly renounced all claim to succeed to the French throne for himself and for his descendants; but he never meant to keep his word, and his promise was not worth the paper it was written on. Nothing is more certain in Legitimist law than that no personal renunciation can deprive the descendants of any prince of their divine right. He may abdicate for himself, but not for others. So, the word of honour of Philip V. and the Treaty of Utrecht to the contrary notwithstanding, Don Carlos is King of France if everybody had his rights, and is so considered by those stern and unbending Legitimists who go by the name of the Blancs d'Espagne. If any one does not at once understand the insolence, possible only in a time debauched by the vilest revolutionary poison, which is implied in this name, let him ask any lady of his acquaintance whom he does not suspect of improving her face by the help of art. So, in spite of delusive appearances to the contrary, Don Carlos has abolished the Pyrenees. He has united the crowns of France, Navarre, and Spain, and he was perfectly right when he forbade the Duke of Orleans

to use the arms of France without the "brisure" or difference of the younger line. His Highness of Orleans has paid no attention to the injunction, and, as the jeunesse Royaliste supports him, it is to be feared that the true Legitimists are now but a scattered remnant.

His inheritance of the crown of France has also added something to the difficulties which beset Don Carlos. During the last war, when the septennate of Marshal MacMahon was still running its course in France, the Carlists were treated with extreme tenderness all along the frontier. They were allowed to use French territory as a basis of operations, and their uniform was commonly seen at Biarritz. In no case could he rely on the same toleration and assistance again; but since he has become pretender to France as well as to Spain, his case is even worse.

On the whole, one is strongly tempted to advise Don Carlos, since he has inherited the rights. of Henri V., to take also the pathetically dignified attitude which that very real gentleman maintained to the end. It is not only the most becoming but the most practical course to follow. The genuine Carlists are not those Spaniards who feel disposed to seek a remedy for the ills of their country in "Home Rule all round.

They are the believers in "the pure monarchy" and the extreme Churchmen. It is not by concessions to Liberalism and to religious toleration that they will ever be brought into the field. If they