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73 Mr. Lowrie to Dec. 15, 1869 Had called upon the Attorney General in company with Mr. 101 Mr. Fish.

Evarts, and they had submitted affidavits; but the Attor ney General had informed him they would be disregarded, as not furnishing good evidence, and had clearly stated the purpose of the government. He incloses the affidavits.

74 The Attorney Dec. 16, 1869 The Attorney General thinks that it is not proper for the 101 General to Mr.

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Fish.

United States to cause a libel to be filed, under the third section of the statute of 1818, against the Spanish gunboats, on the ground that they are procured to be fitted out and armed with intent that they shall be employed in the service of Spain, a foreign state, with intent to cruise or commit hostilities against the subjects, citizens, or property of a colony, district, or people with whom the United States are at peace-namely, a colony, district, or people claiming to be the republic of Cuba. "He has so advised, and the government have acted on his advice. The affidavits of Miguel de Aldama, J. M. Mestre, Emálo F. Cavado, William Clarence Tinker, Francis Coppinger, Enrique Lina, and Francis Xavier Cisneros, submitted to the Attorney General by Mr. Grosvenor P. Lowrie and Mr. Willlam M. Evarts, counsel for the Cubans, to establish the existence of a stato of war and of an independent government in Cuba.

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CORRESPONDENCE.

No. 1.

No. 82.]

Mr. Hall to Mr. Seward.

MATANZAS, November 18, 1868.

I am mainly indebted to a Cuban gentleman, of conservative political opinions, for the statements contained in this communication, in reference to the extraordinary events at present transpiring in this island, and the opinions prevailing in this locality.

As far as my own information extends these sentiments are impartial and reliable. The belief that they may prove of interest in the present emergency, induces me to communicate them to the department.

"The news of the late revolution in Spain was received here with surprise, and no little enthusiasm by the native Cubans and many Spanish liberals; the Cubans thought they could discern the dawn of a new era, and a radical change of Spanish policy in the government of this island, a feature full of hope for the cause of liberty and enlightened progress, to be realized without resort to arms and bloodshed.

"The excitement, caused by the information first received, soon passed away, and public attention became fixed upon the institution of slavery, and the course likely to be adopted by the Madrid government in regard to it. Naturally, every shade of opinion has been expressed, from the extreme radical, in favor of its immediate abolition, to the propagandist, devoted to maintaining and perpetuating the institution.

"The diversity of opinions in regard to slavery is worthy of notice; the more intelligent of the Cubans, including a small number of slaveholders, are in favor of immediate abolition; they contend that it is not only an obligation due to justice and humanity, but a measure of sound policy, that would be attended with less danger to the peace and good order of the island, than others of prospective emancipation; that it would obviate all inducement to insurrection on the part of the blacks, and that any perturbation of the present system of labor could be easily arranged, without materially reducing the productions of the

island.

"They claim, too, that the African slave trade will only finally and definitely cease with the unconditional abolition of slavery in the island, where alone it meets with any encouragement.

"They believe that while slavery exists there will be no government established here in which they can have a voice; that the island will continue to be governed by a repressive, censorious system, under the pretext of preserving order; in other words, the forcible submission of the blacks, to the exclusion of all the rights and privileges of free gov

ernment.

"The generality of slave owners, Cubans as well as Spaniards, favor a plan of emancipation that will extinguish the institution in ten years, all born from and after the date of the decree to be declared free; they believe that by this plan the social transition may be gradually and insenbibly effected, without serious injury to proprietors, whose interests are,

or should be, considered identical with the general welfare of the island. This conservative class care very little about the advantages of free government, as long as they are protected in their material interests, and the immediate abolition of slavery is not attempted; they believe, also, that during the proposed period of ten years, European emigrants may be induced to come to the island and adopt agricultural pursuits; meanwhile they trust that the tranquillity of the island will remain unaltered and its resources developed.

"A few Cuban and many Spanish proprietors oppose all plans interfering with their favorite institution; the most that they will consent to, and that with much reluctance, is a decree of freedom to all born from and after a date yet to be fixed upon. This class still persists in reviving the African slave trade, to which many of them owe their fortunes. It is known that they have sent commissioners to Madrid to protest against any plan of abolition or emancipation, differing from their own, that may be proposed. They desire the perpetuation of slavery, under the conviction that not only their own prosperity depends upon it, but because the independence of the island would be next to an impossibility, while the present system remains unchanged. With the loss of the island they know that Spain and her subjects would lose the languid influence they still maintain in the western hemisphere.

"While the whites, at the clubs, in public places, and at their own houses, discuss this question with little reserve, the other race, free and slave, listen in silence, not a few of them appearing to understand the question as well as their masters. It is believed that should a just and equitable system of emancipation be adopted, they will remain quiet, but should other counsels prevail, their peaceable submission can hardly be expected.

"Almost simultaneously with the revolution in Spain, and apparently without concert with it, an insurrection broke out in the eastern and central department of the island.

"Notwithstanding the difficulties that occur in obtaining reliable information from that direction, the reserve of the government, keeping back important news, which afterwards comes into circulation with all kinds of exaggerations, there appears to be little doubt but that the insurrection is of a much more formidable character than we were at first led to suppose, having its ramifications throughout the island, and its programme nothing less than absolute independence of Spain.

"A state of poverty and decay has been noticeable in those departments during the past two years, the evils of which have been greatly aggravated by the system of taxation, adopted a year since, and applied with little discretion or judgment to the more indigent portion of the rural population, principally engaged in raising cattle, cultivating tobacco, and cutting timber.

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"The discontent caused by the unusual and inappealable measures culminated in a pronunciamiento' of the town of Yara, a short distance from Bayamo, headed by Don Pedro Vicente Aguilera, a landed proprietor of wealth, who, it is reported, at the same time gave freedom to two hundred of his own slaves.

"Simultaneously with this movement other pronunciamientoes' occurred in Tunas, Manzanillo, and Manibio, under the leadership of the well-known Cubans, Cespedes, Arteaga, and Chamizo, to which, it has been reported, some small detachments of Spanish troops have united.

"The wild character of the country where the insurrection has broken out, the entire want of railroads and even common roads, are greatly in favor of the insurgents.' It is well known, however, that they are

deficient in arms, munitions, and effective organization, with which to oppose the forces that have been sent against them; still it is reported that their numbers are now about equal to that of the entire Spanish force in the island.

"It is generally admitted that should the government not succeed in checking this insurrection it will prove ruinous to the best interests of the island. Many, however, are confident that every motive for its continuance will cease with the arrival of General Dulce, the publication of a general amnesty, the adoption of a liberal and just policy in regard to the inhabitants of the insurrectionary districts carried out in good faith, and a definite settlement of the slavery question. It is believed that such a course will alone put an end to the present unsatisfactory state of affairs, the insurrection having already assumed such proportions as will make it very difficult, if not impossible, for the government to subdue it by force."

In addition to the foregoing, I beg leave to state that in this consular district good order prevails without any evidence of a rebellious spirit among any portion of the inhabitants; however, should the insurrection extend itself in this direction, it is difficult to predict the consequences. The removal of General Dulce is looked for with great anxiety.

Arrival

No. 83.]

No. 2.

Mr. Hall to Mr. Seward.

MATANZAS, December 17, 1868. Since addresssing the department on the eighteenth ultimo, I have to report that a marked change is noticeable in the political condition of this part of the island. The same difficulties for acquiring information still exist. There are any number of rumors and exaggerated reports put in circulation by both parties, but it appears to be generally admitted that up to the present time the government has made no progréss in quelling the insurrection, allaying the excitement of the inhabitants, or inspiring confidence.

The only attempt to revolt in this vicinity appears to have occurred at Jaquey Grande, near the terminus of the Matanzas railroad, where it is reported some three to four hundred insurgents met a few days ago, but not having obtained the arms that had been promised them, they returned to their homes. With this exception, there has been no demonstration of importance, but there is every indication that a general plan of insurrection exists in this and other principal cities, if not throughout the whole of the island.

In this city and vicinity there is much excitement among the Cuban population, and it is believed that only a want of arms prevents their rising against the authorities, while the Spanish or loyal portion of the inhabitants are becoming exasperated to such a degree, that it seems next to impossible for two such antagonistic elements to exist much longer, side by side, without coming into conflict.

It appears, also, that in other parts of the island the insurrectionary movement gains strength and adherents; even the conservative class of Cubans, that a month ago hoped and predicted a settlement of all difficulties, with the arrival of General Dulce, now fear, and even admit, that the affair has progressed so far that there can be no recession, and

whether as a question of months or years, it can only terminate in separation from Spain.

The question of slavery appears, meanwhile, to have been lost sight of; the insurgents, however, rely upon the assistance of the free blacks in case of need.

Arrests are numerous; parties in custody of soldiers and police are frequently seen in the streets, many of them from the surrounding country destined to the prisons of this place or the fortresses of Havana.

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There is a general distrust in commercial circles; business is greatly paralyzed, notwithstanding the promise of an abundant crop, just coming into market. There is no disposition on the part of any one to make investments-in fact, all would be glad to realize and remove their meaus out of the island-evidently fearing that the worst has not yet

come.

I have endeavored in the foregoing to give the department an impartial and reliable account of the present state of affairs in this district, and hope it may be of interest.

No. 89.]

No. 3.

Mr. Hall to Mr. Seward.

MATANZAS, February 25, 1869.

I have the honor to accompany herewith copy of a letter received today from Mr. James H. Horner, consular agent at Sagua la Grande.

Mr. Horner to Mr. Hall.

SAGUA LA GRANDE, February 23, 1869.

In order to comply with your request to furnish you with reliable information respecting the insurrectionary movement in this vicinity, I have been obliged to wait till now, as the reports heretofore received have been very much exaggerated.

There are, however, some facts that may possess interest, and one is that Sagua la Grande, and the jurisdiction of that name, are under martial law, and are declared in a state of siege.

Day before yesterday the insurgents in the number of 1,800 (reported) were attacked by about 400 infantry, and 100 cavalry volunteers, in the estate "San Miguel," near Villaclara. The rebels were hidden in the cane fields, and the government troops charged upon them, and the rebels set fire to the cane in many places at once, thinking to envelop the troops in the flames. The fire drove both parties to the batey, (yard,) and the rebels hid themselves in the buildings, where they were hunted and shot down in great numbers. The official report states, or will state, that there was a "horrible butchery." The government forces lost fourteen in killed. The loss of the other side

is not stated.

To-day the passenger train from the "Encruzijada" to the Boca, and which passes through Sagua, has been captured, at least it is so supposed, as the train ought to have arrived at 8.30 a. m., and now, at 9 p. m., it has not arrived, and nothing has been heard of it. An engine was sent to ascertain the cause of the detention, and was fired upon by the insurgents, and obliged to return without accomplishing its object.

The prison here has been fortified by surrounding it at some distance with sugar hogsheads, set on end, and filled with earth. The "pass" of the river (ford) is defended by the guards with a field-piece.

The rebels have destroyed several bridges between this and Las Cruces, thus interrupting our railroad communication with Cienfuegos.

A few days since a fight took place at Colonia de Santo Domingo, between the insurgents and the forces of the government, the result of which is not known, but believed to be important.

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