Lord Grey will suffer any such pettifogging ad- in the witness-box created great sensation. He vantage to be taken of the colonial parliament. We hazard that presumption in spite of what we observe in Ceylon. That colony has received a full ratification of the Torrington régime, in Lord Grey's unqualified approval of the governor, his policy and conduct. The colonists and Lord Grey, it seems, are diametrically opposed in their opinions as to the government of the island; but as Lord Grey rules in Downing street, Ceylon must endure its governor for a time. ACCOUNTS from the Western coast of Africa give ever-strengthening confirmation to the opinion that the blockade must be abandoned; the slavetraders display increasing activity, and snatch multiplied successes in spite of the squadron. There is an expense which Mr. Cobden may strike off with scarcely a regret; except a groan from the heart of good Lord Denman-who assuredly is no judge❞—and an official tear over abandoned treaties from the tender eye of Viscount Palmerston.-Spectator. 66 From the Examiner, 27 Jan. had been promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel of the 4th regiment, in consequence of his conduct at the Barrier Fontainebleau. M. Desmarest deposed as follows:-On Sunday morning, at ten o'clock, we left the Panthéon. When our column, after having followed the boulevards from the Barrier St. Jaques, arrived at the Barrier Fontainebleau, the rond-pont was deserted and barricaded. The railing was barricaded nearly to the top. The only passage was by a little door, of which the key was inside the barrier. I was worn out with the fatigue of the preceding days. I could scarcely speak-still less command. I gave the command of the battalion to the senior captain, and remained with the general, in such a manner as to be able to direct the movements of the column, and transmit the orders which the general might give me. General de Bréa, Colonel Thomas, M. de Ludre, representative of the people, and M. Gobert, entered the rond-pont. M. Gobert showed great devotedness; he always went first to ascertain the dispositions of the insurgents. On retiring from the rond-pont he said to M. de Ludre, "I recommend you not to parley with the insurgents-they are too badly disposed." The brave THE MURDER OF GENERAL BRÉA. General de Bréa, who had had success at other WE gave some particulars last week of this barriers, and who had everywhere seen the insurbloody memento of the insurrection of June, and gents lay aside their arms when he read to them now add what since transpired during the trial at the decree of the national assembly, according present going on. One of the prisoners, named them three millions, thought he would be as forChoppart, a member of the Club des Droits de tunate on this occasion. He advanced towards l'Homme, and a partisan of Raspail, gave evidence them, and believed those who said to him from the to the following effect:-He was with the insur- interior of the railing, "Enter. enter!" "Will gents, but did all that he could to prevent acts of you go in?" said the general to M. de Ludre. atrocity. He indignantly denied, as stated by some No, indeed," answered the latter. The general witnesses, that he had taken part in the assassina- then advanced. Some insurgents came to him, tion of the general. He admitted having fought took him by the hand, and said, "Come: no harm in the insurrection, but complained strongly of the shall be done to you!" He followed them, and insurgents of the Barrière de Fontainebleau as M. Surgeot went with him. I said to M. Gobert drunkards and pillagers. "I did not wish to re- and M. Mangin, "What! shall we allow a genmain at the barrier," he said, "because they do eral to go alone? That is quite contrary to milinot fight there, but drink, compelling the mar-tary rules." We then advanced, and to each one chands de vin to give them wine for nothing; and of us the door of which I have spoken was opened they also commit incendiarism. I do not under-and closed. One of our drummers, who was stand things in that way. I fought fairly, under drunk, entered with us. He was immediately the influence of generous sentiments. I may have seized, deprived of his uniform, clothed in a blouse, been wrong in your opinion, but I believe that the and ordered to beat the générale. Immediately democratic and social republic would cause the all the wine shops were deserted by the people happiness of the people, and I defended it; but I who had been in them drinking, and the moment did so courageously, and I consider that the men after I was surrounded by a menacing crowd. I who assassinated General de Bréa are base cow-do not know this drummer, but he belongs to the ards!" (This caused a prolonged sensation.) He 24th regiment. When I was thus surrounded, the added that he had saved the life of M. Larabit, a insurgents said, "Come in, and nothing shall haprepresentative of the people, and declared that so pen to you. What do you require?" I replied, far from murdering or even insulting the general," I do not come to parley, but there is a represenhe had protected him. He expressed regret that tative with a decree granting three millions to the he had not committed suicide, like a friend of his, working people, who comes to read it to you, as he as he would not then be accused of a crime which has already done at other barriers." Upon this he had endeavored to prevent. But nearly all the Gauthron came up, and surveying me from head other prisoners were hardened reprobates, who to foot, said, "You are a mobile!" I replied, tried to shuffle off upon others the crime in which "I am not." He thereupon cried, "To death they had evidently shared. At last came the prin- with him! He is a traitor!" This cry passed cipal witness, M. Desmarest, and his appearance from mouth to mouth, and there would have been 66 66 an end of me had not MM. Dumont and Gerard | his sword; he refused, repeatedly saying-“I will taken me by the arm, saying, "We will save you, | never dishonor myself, I would rather be shot." I or at least do all in our power to do so!" In the drank with the insurgents. I endeavored to enter twinkling of an eye I was degraded. Gauthron into conversation with some Germans who were tore off one of my epaulettes, and another man there, because my wife is from Strasbourg, but the other epaulette; a third tore my tunic into tat-there were none from that town. The general ters; my shako was knocked off with blows of the was also thirsty, and asked for something to drink, fist; attempts were made to deprive me of my but refused to take the glass they had been using, sword, but I resisted, and struggled with one man, which they offered to him, preferring to drink out who wished to prevent me from breaking it across of the canteen. I was seated near the window, my knee. But it was at last wrenched from me. when some one said to me, with a certain degree It was near Penhouel's house that this passed. I of mystery, Citizen, take care of the window!" was taken into the room behind the shop, where a but where the voice came from I could not tell. I glass of water was given to me. I was much rose and seated myself on a camp bed. Immeagitated, as you may conceive. I thought of my diately afterwards I heard a woman's voice outside wife and children, and tears moistened my eyes. crying, "Here comes the mobile ! We must (This produced great emotion in the court.) M. finish!" Musket-shots resounded in the guardDumont spoke to me, saying, "Have courage; house. I was by the side of M. Gobert, who, I we are going to try to save you. We must go to am bound to say, showed great courage on this the guard-house." The passage thither was pain- occasion. Shots were fired. The general fell ful. Nuens grasped me by the arm, placed him- with his head on the table, and M. Mangin was self on my right hand with his musket, and thus struck down. The poor young man rose again for escorted us to the guard-house. I am persuaded a moment on his feet, and clasping his head with that he did not take me there for protection, but his hands, fell dead, uttering a last cry of agony that I might be the more certainly shot. I was and despair! (Agitation in the court.) An apconstantly surrounded by the insurgents, who re- palling silence followed this detonation; a second peatedly threatened to shoot me, crying, "To came from the door and the windows. I then death with him! to death!" Gauthron, who had saw a man enter the post, strike the bodies of the no arms, attempted to fell me with a paving-stone, general and M. Mangin with the butt end of his and if I had fallen I should have been pierced with musket, and then go out, saying, "They are a thousand bayonets. It was M. Dumont who dead." I said to myself, He forgets me, no saved my life. There was a little old man, with doubt, but my turn will come." (Sensation.) plump and rosy cheeks, who wished to shoot me Shortly after, M. Dumont and M. Veille appeared in a bye street, but thanks to M. Dumont, who on the threshold of the guard-house. I threw claimed me as his prisoner, and said he would be myself into the arms of Dumont, but the cries reanswerable for me, I reached the guard-house, commenced, and the insurgents again wanted to where the national guard protected me. M. Re- kill me. If they did not do it it was because they nault, the captain, said, "He is a brave officer, were afraid to fire upon their own people. I who comes with words of peace, and ought to be pressed myself against M. Dumont and M. Veille. respected." Upon this, cries of "No assassina-I heard some one say, "Leave him, he has had tion-no death!" were uttered, and I remained for a short time under the protection of the national guards. But soon after the post was invaded, and Nuens became highly excited. In coming, I received a blow on the loins with the butt-end of a musket, which M. Dumont told me was given by Lahr. On the way, my washerwoman seeing me, went down on her knees to those who held me, and cried" Mercy! mercy! he is the father of a family-do him no harm!" The furious men replied "We are also fathers of families! To death with him to death!" Nuens, on invading the post, struck the table with his musket, and cried, "There must be an end of this! To death with him!" Cries which he repeated to the ple outside. I was then required to send orders to my battalion to lay down their arms. I replied peo If that is what you wish me to do, fire upon me, for I will never give such an order!" The cries redoubled, and the general was brought in with MM. Mangin and Gobert. He sat down at the table with M. Mangin on his left, and next to him M. Gobert, by whose side I placed myself. One of the insurgents seized the general by the throat, and wanted enough!" "You are right," said another, and I From the Spectator, 3 Feb. THE COMING CHANGE IN ANTI-SLAVE-TRADE MOVEMENTS. ECONOMY will now enforce those arguments that prove the utterly useless and mischievous character of the West African blockade, and signs are not wanting of the next turn which opinion on that subject is destined to take. Lieutenant W. T. F. Jackson, who has just returned from the coast, promulgates through the col THE COMING CHANGE IN ANTI-SLAVE-TRADE MOVEMENTS. 569 umns of the Times his clear and direct testimony to 1. A concentration of the West India regiments the futility of the attempt to keep down the slave- on two stations, Jamaica and Barbadoes; withdrawtrade by a blockade or any other form of armed pre-ing the detached portions on the coast of Africa, and raising a force especially for that colony. vention. 2. An organized system of recruiting in Sierra Leone; first, by volunteering from the local regiments to the West India regiments; secondly, by careful selection of men in the emancipation-yard from captured cargoes of slaves. Viewing the slave-traffic merely as an illicit trade, which government vessels have to suppress, it is a well-known axiom in our custom-house that any contraband trade yielding 30 per cent. cannot be stopped; for such is human nature, that individuals 3. A drafting of the older and steady soldiers will always be found willing to risk the severest from the West India regiments, after three to five punishment for that amount of profit. Are the phi-years service, into the island constabularies. lanthropists in England aware of the profit of a sin- 4. And, as their services ran out, placing these gle slave? The average price of a slave on the men on the roll-call of the island militia, and locatcoast is a doubloon, or 31. 8s., supposing that a slave ing them in districts on crown lands, so as to be is paid for in coin instead of goods, which form gen- brought into active service on any emergency. erally the greatest part of the purchase-then there is profit on profit again. This slave, on being landed This plan is thrown out in conjunction with a in the Brazils, is, since our blockade, worth from larger plan to be described hereafter, for "a com50l. to 70l., leaving a percentage, after all deduc- prehensive system of transport between the Westtions of goods and agency, far, far above the cus-ern coast of Africa and the West India Islands :" tom-house standard. A few years ago, a slave- in other words, the writer is advocating a plan for merchant made a considerable profit if one vessel putting the African coast and the West Indies in a in three landed her cargo. Now, owing to the large force we maintain on the coast, they have been able to raise their prices, so that if a merchant has six vessels on the venture, and one escapes, he is amply repaid. For this I have the authority of the slave-captains and the slave-factors themselves. I have been repeatedly told by the captains of slavers and the factors on shore, that if we gave up the blockade they must give up business. It is true, we have in some measure deterred the small trader, the petty trafficker in human flesh, from pursuing his avocations, because, perhaps, the capture of one or two ships might ruin him; but we have put the trade on a larger scale, and the great Rio traders carry on their business in a gigantic manner compared with their operations previous to the blockade. Mr. Jackson suggests, that instead of throwing away three millions sterling a year on the blockade, we should increase our colonies and spread our influence among the African chiefs. Formerly, during Governor Turner's time, we held the sovereignty from Sierra Leone to Gallinas; but, owing to some false economy, we withdrew our protection and lost our authority. I would rather hold up Liberia as an example to our government than offer my own remarks; the Americans have established a colony, and from that spread north and south from Cape Mount to Cape Palmas, between which places slavery is now hardly known. When we look upon this handful of people, unprotected by their own government, alone and unaided, and consider what they have done, I think we may well blush at the futility of our own efforts. We find concurrent ideas in a different quarter; an intelligent writer in the Morning Post propounds a plan of economizing the expenditure of money and life, by more generally substituting African for European soldiers in the West Indies. He points to the fidelity and orderly conduct of the African troops, and to their successful employment in guarding several of our colonies, besides the extra-colonial trading settlement of Balize and the African colony of Sierra Leone; and he proposes to employ a similar force as a military constabulary in the West Indies, with a sort of landwehr formed out of the same materials. His plan is state of close and constant communication. These ideas will be familiar to our readers, as suggestions for attaining the objects of all anti-slavery proceedings by a more intelligible, safe, and efficacious way than the blockade. For whatever kind of labor in the West Indies, whether for defence or agriculture, the negro is better fitted by constitution than the European; but he can attain to his civilized development best, in the field of agriculture or arms, when officered by Europeans; and it is in the West Indies that the two races meet on the most favorable conditions. It is through the West Indies, therefore, that Africa has the best chance of civilization: elevate her races above a condition which is on a level with that of slaves in the colonies of Europe, and you cut off the supply of slaves; thus extinguishing the traffic at its very source. That you can do so by any process of converting the African chiefs, is hopeless; you have no channel to reach their understanding or their heart. But by developing our colonies on the coast, we might so extend our example and influence as to Anglicize Western Africa. Now that operation would be incalculably assisted by the help of the West Indies, a training-school for the negro; who might be invited, by many advantageous plans, to return to his native continent as a settler. On the other hand, you cannot drain the West Indies of their negro population without recruiting it from Africa; and that could best be done by the help of extensive settlements on the African coast. The negro population of that region would form the best recruiting-dépôts for the West Indies; the West Indies would be the best training-school for the African settlements; the joint operation demands an extensive system of transport and retransport. Such a system would call into existence a widelyspread community of intelligent free blacks, the fittest for labor and action in the tropical lands of the Atlantic; but that population would be wedded to England and her institutions, as the great safeguards of negro freedom. AMERICAN SLAVERY.-The American House of der some evil concourse of circumstances, once Representatives has taken a decided stand against more to seize the government. By a strange inslavery. It has not only made progress with a version of all the principles of constitutional govbill for establishing a territorial government in New Mexico and California without slavery, but, in a ernment, a minority, not certainly exceeding one resolution condemning the traffic in slaves within sixteenth of the adult population of France, turns the central state of Columbia as "inhuman," has upon the majority, stands at bay, and openly ordered a bill for its suppression. The men of the avows that it is prepared to make up for the deSouth were summoned to attend a consultation by ficiency of its numbers, and the prevailing abhorMr. Calhoun, who advised defiance and nullifica- rence of its principles, by turning those principles tion; but soberer counsels prevailed, and it appears in their most atrocious form against the rest of soto have been resolved simply to oppose the antislavery measures in congress. Opinion against the ciety. The ascendency of such a party is only bad and anti-republican institution gains ground in possible by a reign of terror. Terrorism is to the the American parliament, and the time seems to be most fanatical and ferocious of these zealots or rapidly approaching when the Northern states will desperadoes the science and the instrument of take a firm stand upon the broad principles of democratic tyranny; they admit that they can justice. succeed in no other way. What is terrorism in the clubs is faction in the National Assembly. The government has just rescued Paris from imminent danger of an insurrection, but its vigorous and successful precautions are made by the Mountain the pretext of a hostile inquiry, and the motion for the order of the day, which ministers opposed to the censorious resolution of M. Perrée, was rejected by a majority of 9. The violence of this struggle between the ministers of the president and the assembly denotes a still fiercer opposition to the moderate party which is going on beneath the surface of society. There is no doubt that, since the conflict of June, the secret societies of France have been actively employed in repairing their losses and extending their organization. A difference of opinion arose in December between the partisans of Ledru-Rollin and Raspail, but the defeat of General Cavaignac had the effect of reconstituting the whole republican party, and the National became what it was on the eve of the February revolution—the leader of the democratic opposition, and the ally of those wretched factions which it had, when in office, unrelentingly proscribed. In the National Assembly this republican party still reckons a phalanx which can, on all subjects, run the government very close, and dis It will be desirable to accompany any proceedings against the institution with an earnest resolve to effect the redemption of the republic from its stigma with the least detriment to existing interests or hurt to social feelings. We believe that a rash process would be most calamitous-the signal for a jacquerie of the most horrible kind, arraying an inferior race against oppressors almost of an alien species. We believe also that a wiser and safer process is to be discovered by a sincere diligence. The greatest of all questions that await the model republic is, how to abolish slavery with the least infliction of injury; and that question should engage timely and earnest attention. Various ways might be devised; we incline to think that the best would be gradual, self-developing, and tending to remove the emancipated blacks from the neighborhood of the whites. No enterprise more honorable or profitable could be undertaken by the patriots of the American Union-the leading statesmen of the western hemisphere.-Spectator, 13th Jan. EUROPE. The storm has lulled. Whether it has not sunk only to rise again with tenfold violence, is among the secrets of the future. Prussia is now fighting only with the pen, and the war is transferred from the streets of Berlin to the table d'hôtes of Frankfort. Austria is quietly sitting in judgment on the rabble of Hungary, and is likely to draw the teeth of that dragon, the Magyar Re-pute even those measures which are most essential public. Italy is talking of conquering Europe, and spends her evenings at the opera. Spain is exterminating the Carlists, who contrive to live again after being slaughtered in a hundred bulletins. Germany is dividing and subdividing herself, until the name will vanish, and the memory of sour-crout be no more. France is learning to live on air. Britannia, 17 Jan. From the Times, 6 Feb. THE FRENCH ASSEMBLY. THE French republicans are resolved to die hard. Conscious that their marvellous victory over all the institutious of the kingdom was the result of accident and of the errors of their opponents more than of their own strength, but undismayed and unenlightened by their subsequent failure, and by the immense popular majority opposed to their creed, they still hope by violence and audacity to keep alive that pestilent agitation which they call freedom, to overawe the middle classes, and, un to the public safety. Out of doors it relies on the They are stated National Assembly and to establish a committee of "Vive l'Emperor" should not be raised. If a of public safety. To annul the constitution. To shot had been fired, and if the battle had comimprison the Bonaparte family. To suppress the menced, of which for some hours there was no liberty of the press for two years. To suspend small danger, the result would have been inevitapersonal liberty for three months. To try by a ble. Fortunately, as we think, no collision occommission all those who have taken part in the curred. The disaffected portion of the Garde Moproceedings against the insurgents of June. To bile and the clubbists-the allied factions-waited pay the interest of the debt in paper money. To respectively for each other to begin the insurrecimpeach all the ministers of the crown since 1830. tion, but on every point on which a commenceTo establish the right to labor, dissolve the na- ment was to have been made the skill of General tional guard, adopt the red flag, with the triangle Changarnier had anticipated an attack. There is of association, and establish progressive taxation, no, doubt that the vigilance and decision of the with confiscation of the property of emigrants, etc." minister of the interior and of the commandant of It is of little moment whether productions of the forces saved Paris that night from a conflict this kind emanate from the dungeons of Vin- more formidable than that of June, inasmuch as cennes, the madhouse of Bicêtre, or the printing- the Garde Mobile would probably have turned presses of M. Proudhon. Wild and desperate as against the line, in the event of an engagement. they are, there are men ready to perish in defence Nothing could exceed the hostility of the two of them, and there are other men-a larger class corps, unless it be that of the army against the -ready to make even such schemes as these the mob. Considerable difficulty has of course been stepping-stone to power. At such times, and in encountered in providing quarters for such an army such records, we look, as it were, down the very in the heart of a capital. Temporary barracks crater of the volcano. The liquid fire and the have been erected, some in the immediate contigubitter ashes which from time to time devastate and ity to the palace inhabited by the president. Even pollute the world roll and toss in that abyss. Other the Tuileries have troops quartered in them, and political perils are more or less external-this lurks some of the principal detached forts have been within the vitals. All the greatest influences of made available for the purposes to which they are history and of power have failed alike to absorb best adapted. Such is the military aspect of afand to extirpate it; it survived the glory and the fairs, and such the security obtained by actual despotism of the imperial dominion, the prosperity force in Paris. Yet, in spite of these preparaand the freedom of the constitutional monarchy, tions, the president and his ministers are believed nay, even the guilt, the misery, and the retribu- to be sincerely adverse to a coup d'état; their poltion of its own triumphs. It survives still-it is icy is to prevent an outbreak of the revolutionary still the genius of the French Revolution, sent in- party in the streets, and to hold their ground to the world, like some mocking spirit, to parody against the revolutionary party in the Assembly, freedom, to pervert the laws of God, of society, until such time as the elections for the next legisand of the mind of man, and to turn the triumphs lative assembly may release the republic from the of civilization and of national power into a state perilous position in which it stands. Meanwhile of things insecure as the existence of savage tribes, the Assembly continues to display the most unreand brutal as that of the lower animals. Against lenting hostility to the cabinet. No considerations these doctrines, and against their inhuman parti- of public safety or patriotism restrain the majority sans, the great bulk of the people of France are from harassing the government, and it still remains arrayed. If need be, in these days of peril, they a doubtful point whether so extraordinary a posthemselves will do battle against the destroying ture of affairs can end otherwise than by some principle which has already banished peace from violent measure. their homes and prosperity from their cities. But in the long run the self-defence of a people consists not so much in using the musket, or mount- THERE is actually but one measure of improveing guard in the streets, as in arming the government for Ireland-a change of population. The ment with full powers, and firmly supporting that government in the use of them. The people of Paris have now reached this stage, and a large proportion of the National Guard have become more hostile to popular institutions, to the Assembly, and the right of association, than the president or his ministers. Indeed, so strong is this feeling, that considerable disappointment was expressed in the legions of the National Guard, which became even more intense and sarcastic in the ranks of the army, when it was found that the day on which all the troops were under arms passed off without a coup d'état after all. It hang upon the merest accident whether or not the cry time for this great and salutary effort seems to be pointed out by events before our eyes. The Celt is passing away. He is carrying his plagues and his passions, his riot and his rags, to another hemisphere. He runs off with his year's rent and his cheap patriotism to the Mississippi. There let him spread, and relieve Ireland of his presence, his principles, and his priesthood. Then let the vacancy be filled up with the manly, faithful, and Protestant Englishman. Thus only will Ireland ever be loyal, ever be opulent, or ever be saved from the most abject of superstitions, the basest of intrigues, and the most malignant of prejudices against the English name.-Britannia. |