decay, we must look to the New World for that freshness and vigor which once distinguished Europe above the rest of the globe. But as festivities have been marred by the intrusion of a most unwelcome guest, and unexpected disclosures have often turned triumph into shame and confusion, so, at this moment, Slavery proclaims its hated presence in the halls of the capitol, and presses its fearful dilemmas on the reluctant attention of the legislature. "Stretch out your hands," it seems to say; grasp your huge spoil; measure the shores of the Pacific with your rod, and stretch your lines across the whole continent; proclaim yourselves lord paramount of America from the equator northward to the pole; but before you do this, you shall pronounce upon my claims, and declare to all the earth whether you will spread the institutions of slavery or not."

tives has now doubly censured slavery. It has taken Washington as the type of the whole union, and pronounced a condemnation on the part for the whole, the head for the members.

We will not ourselves undertake to say that this is not in some sort an infringement of that federal compact which makes Washington merely a convenient locality for legislative meetings, which does not otherwise admit the idea of a metropolis, and which leaves to every state the care of its own religion and morality. But the rigor of political systems must sometimes bow to necessity and common sense. The union is no longer a cluster of independent states; it is now an empire dominating over a continent, and giving laws to a world. It stands in the midst of unpeopled or half-peopled regions, of vast and sudden accumulations of men, of conflictAt the date of the last intelligence congress was ing ideas, and wild disorder. It cannot refuse the occupied in this important discussion with an ear- mission which is pressed upon it. It has no alternestness which promises the most decided and native but to declare a moral preference when its speedy results. An urgent memorial from New voice is expected and its sanction desired. If a reMexico and California had excited the hopes of the public or a federal union wishes to remain in its northern representatives, and the furious indignation primitive integrity, it must eschew conquest. Washof the southern. A graver event followed close ington is no longer the Panionium of a few indepenupon this. The committee on the organization of dent states; it is the metropolis of the greater part the newly-acquired territory reported a bill exclud- of North America, and claims a reversionary intering slavery from California. The result of this est in the whole. It finds itself compelled to act and some similar decisions is, that the house of rep-up to that destiny, and to speak in a general and resentatives now stands committed to what is called imperial capacity. the Wilmot proviso. Of 187 members who voted on the question, 107 were for the proviso, and 80 against ita proportion which leaves no doubt as to the ultimate result. The senate, it was expected, might strike out the obnoxious clause; but this would only leave everything in suspense, and hand over the organization of the new states to the next meeting of congress and the new president.

Another decision of the house of representatives appears to have been even more grave and offensive to the slave-holding states. Washington, the capital of the union, and the spot where these discussions are held, in order to seclude it from the interest and factions of any one state, stands in a small quadrilateral territory cut out of Maryland and Virginia, called the District of Columbia. This sanctum sanctorum of the federal union still harbors the slavedealer. Washington is the metropolis of slavery. The president, the senators, and representatives meet in a den of oppression, within the sound of the lash, and the cry of the helpless victim. Man is a chattel on the very spot which calls itself the centre of freedom. The fact is keenly felt in the union, and a resolution has been carried by a majority of 98 to 87 votes, aiming at the suppression of this scandal.

As might be expected, the southern representatives have taken high offence and no little alarm at these decided proceedings. Their first impulse was to defy the northern states, and threaten resistance to the decision of the federative government, as being against the spirit of the constitution. Milder or more cautious counsels have prevailed. It is now hoped, that after much angry discussion, the question may be indefinitely postponed; and, indeed, with the present known opinions of the senate against abolition, delay offers the best chance of success. As far as we can judge from the effect of popular decisions in the British house of commons, we should pronounce it impossible that this stigma shall long survive in the union.

Every year strikes another blow at slavery, and brings another adhesion to the cause of freedom. Last year we saw the French islands emancipated. This year-but we will not venture to predict, when the future is a continual surprise. It is evident, however, that in the union there is a decided majority of representatives, people, and states against this notorious blot on the escutcheon of republican liberty, and that all feel themselves concerned to wipe it out.

Such a feeling cannot but triumph over local interests and the letter of the constitution; unless we overrate the earnestness of the American character. For the present the slave-holding states will be respected; indeed, they are so wedded to slavery that a change would be hazardous; but before long they will give way to the public opinion of the sister states, and the universal judgment of the civilized world; nor do we think the union will be broken

Such a resolution commits not only the party, but the house of representatives, beyond the power of retreat. It is difficult to conceive a stronger act of protest and defiance. They who take their stand on the federal character of the constitution and the independence of the states, except for certain definite objects of union, are highly indignant at what they consider an attempt to dictate the internal economy of the states. The house of representa- in the struggle.

THE APOPLEXY OF GOLD.-CALIFORNIA FEVER IN ENGLAND.

From the Examiner, of 6th Jan.

THE APOPLEXY OF GOLD.

371

It is curious enough, now that every foot of land in the neighborhood of Francisco has its enormous temporary value, to turn to Commodore Wilkes' account of the country before its cession.

longitude, his decline and fall are fixed. California, as the French phrase it, is coming to market THE oldest and most extensive empire in the in block; men are putting the valley of the Sacraworld is that of Gold, and in this age of subver- mento into their pockets; one vagabond picks up sions even that empire is threatened with overthrow, a, plum before breakfast, another fills a worsted and the danger proceeds from a republican region. stocking with gold dust, realizing the story of the The philosopher's stone may now be advertised golden leg. But these Dead Sea fruits have not cheap, or future alchemists may propose the trans- the faculty of keeping, and as they pour into the mutation of gold into a more precious metal. A market they must turn to ashes by process of spade in California is now worth its weight in depreciation. gold; a blanket is almost as dear as so much gold lace; a frieze jacket is worth cloth of gold. Imagine this depreciation extending to Europe with the arrival of ships from Francisco, ballasted with gold, and the sovereign brought to the level of a dump. Fancy gold so fallen in the world as to play the part now performed by lead or pewter, serving for workhouse platters, for common coalscuttles, for porter pots, for pipes, and cisterns. Fancy copper rising above it, and gold sheathing the bottoms of ships instead of the more precious metal. What a reverse of fortune would this be! And what a change, too, would be wrought in our language, and how many fine, thoughts that have lived in honor for centuries would be reduced to dross. The auri sacra fames will come to sound as absurd as now to speak of the passion for pewter, and the golden mean will signify literally the principal stations of the El Dorado. something passing mean. Golden prospects and blacksmith's shop must by this time be changed golden dreams will sound dumply as leaden into a Storr and Mortimer's. prospects and leaden dreams. The sun itself will lose his complexion of honor as golden, and it will seem that nature might have made him of something richer than the common yellow ware. As for the golden age, it will convey ideas of penury the most abject.

Commodore Wilkes had the command of an exploring expedition of the United States, in '38-'42, a duty which he performed with admirable ability, being a man of very superior qualifications. He describes Francisco as the most spacious and best harbor in the world, but all the rest was poverty and barrenness. The town Yerba Baena consisted of a frame building belonging to the Hudson's Bay Company, a store kept by an American, a billiard table, the poop of a ship occupied as a dwelling-house, a blacksmith's shop, and some out-buildings. This fine town is surrounded by a sterile soil and bare rocks. Such is one of

The

There is every diversity, it seems, of soil and climate in California, and the valleys of the Sacramento, the scene of the gold-finding, and the San Juan, are mentioned as the richest in fertility, by Commodore Wilkes, who little dreamt at the time that their clods were gold.

The climate has this peculiarity, that the summer is colder than the winter.

"Too much of a good thing is good for nothing," says the adage, and so it may be with poor gold, brought to poverty by abundance. Imagine Even before the discovery of the gold every this potentate who has swayed the world from the necessary of life was enormously dear in the counfirst dawn of civilization, begging his bread, un-try, trade conducted chiefly by barter, and civilisought, spurned, condemned to the most menial

offices.

The old song was as prophetic as the seer who last century predicted the downfall of the French monarchy and the Pope, in the past year,

The wealthy fool with gold in store;

for what fools will they appear who have gold in store when it comes down to a few pence the pound, and when bullion is discharged by goldwhippers from the holds of ships as coals are now. Alas! what a change of fortune for the golden calf; a proper calf indeed it will look when not worth its weight in veal!

It is clear that the divinity of gold, like that of the lama, depends altogether upon his shrouding himself. The moment he is found out, the sources of his being discovered, and full measure of his abundance taken, there is an end of his worship. In this, as in other instances, familiarity breeds contempt. The more that is had of him the less is made of him; and the moment his measure is taken, not in ingots, but in degrees of latitude and

zation in a low state, the upper classes idle and dissipated, the Indians inordinately addicted to gambling, which they may now indulge in for stakes of golden pools instead of bits of rubbish.

From the London Times, of Jan. 12. CALIFORNIA FEVER IN ENGLAND.

A GLANCE at the Times advertisements will show that the public appetite for California is likely to be promptly met. The burden of the various vessels announced as ready for immediate departure amounts, even in to-day's impression, to about 5000 tons, distributed in ships ranging from 190 to 700 tons, to say nothing of the West India mail steamer, which leaves on the 17th, carrying goods and passengers to Chagres, or of a short and pleasant passage" advertised to Galveston, in Texas, as a cheap route to the Pacific. The rates range from £25 upwards, to suit all classes. Thus far, however, we have only the arrangements for those who are able to move. The opportunities provided for those who wish to share the advantages of the new region without its

66

dangers, are still more ample. Indeed, so imposing are the plans for an extensive investment of capital for carrying on the trade in shares of £5 each, that it would seem as if the first effect of the affair would be to cause a scarcity of money rather than an abundance. About a million and a quarter sterling is already wanted, and the promoters stipulate for the power of doubling the proposed amounts as occasion may offer.

66

and cordon, in which case the new arrivals will have to get back as well as they can. But there is no question that the first comers stand the chance of large gain if they are able to fight for it; and there is little danger of starvation, since the district abounds in deer and rabbits, and grain will flow there in quantities from the Southern Republics; while as regards articles of manufacture, the Sandwich Islands, long overstocked, will be able to send supplies.

who is unfortunately not to be found in the New York Directory, no names are given of the sanguine directors who hold out the present baits, it seems almost beyond patience that the blind impulse of greed should be so overwhelming as to impose even for a moment the duty of expostula

There is a "California Gold Coast Trading Association," a "California Gold Mining, Stream- Those who go out, have therefore, at all events, ing, and Washing Company," a "California some compensating prospect for their risk, but for Steam Trading Company," a "Californian Gold those at home who may be deluded into parting and Trading Company," and a "California Gold with their money, not a shadow of its return can Mining, &c., Trading Company." The last of exist. This would be the case under any circumthese alone will require £600,000 for its objects, stances, since the idea of a London board being but as half the shares are "to be reserved for the able to insure that the practical head gentlemen United States of America," the drain upon our of their expeditions, and the bodies of laborers resources will be lessened to that extent. Some accustomed to the extraction of gold in all its of the concerns propose to limit their operations forms, shall toil for them, and not for themselves, to trading on the coast, sending out at the same when the United States government, even by the time "collecting and exploring parties" whenever severest discipline, can scarcely command the serthe prospect may be tempting. Others intend at vices of a single individual on the station, is too once to get a grant from the legislature at Wash- preposterous to be reasoned about. When, howington, of such lands "as they may deem neces- ever, we observe that, except in one case, where sary," while others intend to trust to chance, the list contains a captain with the simple address simply sending out a "practical" manager, ac-"California," and a merchant of "New York," companied by an adequate number of men accustomed to the extraction of gold in all its forms." Along with these advertisements are some of a modified nature, to suit parties who may neither wish to go out with a batch of emigrants, nor to stay at home and wait the results of a public company. One 66 well educated gentleman" seeks tion. two others "to share expenses with him." Another wishes for a companion who would advance £200," one half to leave his wife, and the other half for out-fit," a third tells where " any respectable individuals with small capital" may find persons willing to join them; a fourth states, that respectable persons having not less than £100 are wanted to complete a party; and a fifth, that " a seafaring man is ready to go equal shares in purchasing a schooner to sail on speculation." What number may be found to answer these appeals it is impossible to conjecture. Common sense would say not one; but experience of what has been practised in this country over and over again, reminds us that the active parties on the present occasion are not calculating too largely upon the credulity of their countrymen.

The advertisements in question will be paid by many hard-earned sixpences and shillings eagerly lodged as the " preliminary deposit allowed by the act 7th and 8th Victoria," and a considerable surplus will still doubtless reward the enterprise of the promoters. In this respect, therefore, a word of warning is unfortunately needed. As regards emigration, parties may be left to take their chance, as also the shippers of assorted goods. That the country will be a pandemonium long before any one can reach it from this side, is hardly to be doubted, unless, indeed, the United States government shall have been able to establish a blockade

ITALY AND GERMANY.

It is now vain to hope, even by those who think it a fit subject for hope, that the tide of revolution which overflowed Europe during the greater part of last year, can be kept from ebbing, and from leaving once more, erect and uncovered, the feudal and monarchical edifices which it for the time overwhelmed. The armies of Austria are advancing upon Pesth; and that some army or another will march to the foot of the capitol and the banks of the Arno, is inevitable. The Italians seem really bent on making democracy ridiculous; and the conduct of the people and authorities (?) of Genoa and Turin are fitter for the records of a lunatic asylum than for those of history.

The congress, therefore, which has been appointed to sit at Brussels for the arrangement of the affairs of Italy, must have altogether a different object from that at first assigned it. It can no longer be a mediation between Austria and Sardinia, for the King of Sardinia must apparently fling himself into the arms of Austria to save him from his own mob. The object of the Congress must be, to try what can be saved of Italian freedom and independence from that terrible reaction for which the folly of the popular party has opened the way. What the Italians want is to be put to school: not into that of despotism, Austrian or Papal, but into an elementary school of repre

THE LATE DAVID HALE.

sentative government and municipal institutions. Jever, cannot stretch the hand to Prussia, it touches If a congress could secure this, and care for their sides with France; and such are the sympathies political education, without making any change in and connexity of ideas between the two people, parties or in sovereigns, it would be much. The that an Austrian despotism in Italy, and a French Italian people have repeatedly shown that they can republic or popular monarchy on the other side of neither govern themselves, nor shake off Austria, the Alps, can scarcely exist simultaneously.—Ex nor do anything but hiss and broil. Their course aminer, 6th Jan. has been della padella nella brage, out of the frying-pan into the fire, and back again. And their deeds have hurt the cause of freedom and democracy more than all the French revolutions of a [Our readers will have seen the importance we have century. The stoutest of our ultra-liberals would gladly draw a veil over Italy. Still there are numerous excuses to be made for them. And as France and England, as well as Austria and other We copy from that paper a notice of one of the late edicountries, all have a voice in the final arrange-tors, whose death we consider a loss to the people of the ment of Italian affairs, it is to be hoped that a his position will in its effects reach beyond his own United States. Indeed, the influence of so able a man in congress may do something; that in restoring the country.] sovereigns to their rights, and leaving them on their old territories, they may still establish, as a universal condition, the grant of such representative government and popular institutions as may content, and allow the development of, a people aspiring for constitutional freedom.

attributed to the New York Journal of Commerce, whose editorial articles have frequently been copied into ou pages. They have been distinguished by their independence and their sagacious good sense.

MR. HALE was born at Lisbon, Conn., on the 25th of April, 1791, and died on the 20th of January, 1849, in the 58th year of his age. His father was a clergyman and teacher of youth.

When David was eleven years old, the family removed from Lisbon to South Coventry, Conn.

Italy, indeed, depends upon the joint action of France and Germany, neither of which is power- At the age of fifteen or sixteen, he went to ful enough to exclude the action of the other. Boston in search of employment, and engaged as All will be controlled by the fate of Germany, in clerk in a jobbing house in State street. After the midst of the clouds and confusion covering various changes and disappointments, which it is which some results are plain. Of these the not necessary to mention, he went into business on plainest seems to be, that Austria must relapse to his own account. In the mean time he had expe a military despotism, and that Prussia will inev-rienced religion under the preaching of Rev. Dr itably assume the shape of a constitutional monarchy. But how far Prussian influence will extend is the doubt. Will it stop short at Erfurt and Coblentz, the most southern bulwarks of the Prussian kingdom? or will it extend to the foot of the Alps, and the monarch of Prussia become the head of a new German confederation?

Griffin, and united with Park street church.

The writer first became acquainted with him in 1823. He was then an active member of Essex street church, having been designated, with others from Park street and the Old South, (the only Orthodox Congregational churches of any magnitude then existing in Boston,) to form a nucleus for the This is the struggle now taking place at Frank-new enterprise. There was plenty of work to be fort, and which to all appearance will be decided in done-for the whole current of popular influence favor of Prussia, from the keen perseverance was against them. A congregation was to be which her partisans show, whilst those of Austria collected; Sabbath schools were to be gathered are dull, passive, and nonchalants. But let the and instructed; religious meetings were to be present struggle turn out as it will, Prussia must held, in the conference room and in private be at the head of the liberal movement in Germany, houses; and a multitude of benevolent enterprises, moderating that movement to a rational pace, yet in their infancy, presented strong claims for whilst Austria must as infallibly head the retro-aid. In all these things Mr. Hale was among the grade one. most prominent and active members. He was This course for the two countries seems marked then 32 years of age. The writer once asked him out by fate and necessity. And it is equally in-how long he intended to be a teacher in the Sabevitable that in the struggle which we trust will not be, at least for a long time, a warlike one, Prussia will have the support of France, and Austria be upheld by the backing of Russia. Events and policies may, indeed, seem for a time to run counter to this natural current; but such, nevertheless, appears to us the course of the stream, which finally must have its way in despite of momentary obstacles.

bath school; his reply was, that he "had enlisted during the war." It was a pithy remark, and has since been verified by twenty-five years' experience. Amidst the various distractions of business, during this long period, he always found time to devote to his Master's service. If he had money, that was freely laid on the same altar. He has often remarked to the writer, that the most he wanted money for, was to give it away. His practice has correIt is to be regretted that, in this marshalling of sponded with his preaching. He has given away hostile influences, Italy should be most remote nearly all his available earnings; nay, has often from the Prussian connection, whilst its best prov-anticipated them, for the promotion of benevolent inces are in the hands of Austria. If Italy, how-objects. When he was a merchant, in moderate

business, and with but little capital, he gave only | idea of being personally connected with it; and, hundreds; but when, in later years, his income although pleasantly situated where I was, I dewas thousands, he gave thousands, and in the ag- cided, on reflection, to accept the overture, and the gregate, tens of thousands. His connection with consequence has been, twenty years of unceasing the Journal of Commerce was doubly agreeable to toil, both to Mr. Hale and myself, and the estabhim, because it gave him a two-fold power of lishment of the paper on a basis of permanent usedoing good; first, by the moral, social, and politi-fulness. cal influence of the paper itself, and secondly by the pecuniary emolument which it yielded.