empire of papal Rome falls as the last traces of feudality are disappearing from Eastern Europe.

It was all very well when a people were like the grass of a meadow, springing up of themselves to What power of restoration remains-what influ- be bruised down by tyranny or mowed down by ence-nay, what motive? The pope wandering in war, and suffering themselves to be made hay of by the lands of other princes, or floating about the their prince whilst the sun shone. It was easy to Mediterranean, "multum jactatus et alto," is pope be a prince then. But now every herb of this popof Rome no longer. It has been argued, that, sep-ular grass has got life and sensibilities and individuarated from his temporal responsibilities, the spirit-ality within it, and cries out loud enough to frighten ual influence of the pope would be more effective. the lord and his mowers. The poor pope himself This may be true of a spiritual leader who is in im- is aghast at such a miracle, which his infallibility mediate contact with his followers; but it cannot cannot enable him to comprehend. be assumed of a distant leader, to whose authority What is a pope to do with his people, and what a fixed, central, and commanding position is essen-are the Romans to do with the pope? For it is tial. A dislocated pope, a pope on a roving com- quite evident that each are in the other's way. The mission, cannot be the centre of the world. Even pope is a priest, and, as he ought to do, is caring the prestige of stability, surviving that of power, for his church. The Romans say, we are too large has at last departed. The pope is "nowhere;" an for church serfs. We are lay men, strong men, appeal can hardly lie from an ecclesiastical dignity, intelligent men. We have wants, feelings, faculsay of France or Ireland, to a nomadic head. ties, like the rest of the world, and we must be governed like the rest of the world. We are Italian, and must deliver oppressed Italy. The pope very naturally will not hear of fighting. We want to look into our affairs, our houses, our industry. What can I do with my cardinals, answers the pope, unless I entrust to them the privilege of governing you?

An effort at a merely literal restoration may be made; but by whom? By Austria?-to make the pope a standing target for the arrows of Italian nationality. Besides, Austria must first restore herself. By France?-under a new concordat between a Pius and a Napoleon, for more reciprocal advantages? That might not be a bad speculation. But it would not restore the Papacy; you cannot take the pope on and off, in this way, without loosening and utterly destroying the screws of his power.

What will be the ulterior effects-in France, unrecorded by Mr. Hunter Gordon; in Italy, in Spain; in Ireland? Remove the pope, and Catholicism loses its unity and distinctive authority.

Only conceive England governed by an archbishop-it matters little whether Puseyite or low church. In either case his ideas of temporal government are limited to the one sacerdotal sphere. Only think how his grace at Lambeth would legislate for free trade, or for the courts of Westminster, or for the stock exchange. What would he do with the navigation laws, or how manage his brother John of Tuam by Irish administration? The very

It is to be observed that when the Papacy expires, Protestantism ceases to be an antagonism, and suc-idea is so absurd, that it reads like an extract from

ceeds to the position of a supremacy; it is no longer an opposition; what will succeed to that office?

We have equal commiseration for the poor pope and for the more liberal and enlightened of his subjects. Both he and they were sincerely desirous of correcting the absurdities of despotic government, and entering upon some kind of a new and constitutional system. But how was this possibly to be managed? A czar or an emperor is difficult enough to force down and coerce into a constitutional sovereign, but after all the thing is not impossible. Two or three revolutions and changes of dynasties, exile and starvation, will at length fashion an old reigning family into constitutional princes. But a pope, that singular offspring of the dark and of the middle ages, what could be done with him to fashion him to the ideas and the possibilities of modern times?

Gulliver's Travels. But it is no such thing. It is a page from contemporary history-it is the annals of Rome in 1848. The poor old archbishop of the Roman diocese is attempting to govern central Italy by an admixture of his own middle-aged rights and the bran new political ideas of the present century. No wonder his holiness has failed, and that the people and himself are in such an entanglement as ecclesiastical and popular annals combined have never equalled.

But what perhaps is more extraordinary than all is, that the most revolutionized, most modernized, most advanced, most democratic, most anti-religious state and commonwealth in Europe, is precisely the one that marches to support and keep in statu quo the old pope and his popedom. General Cavaignac, who won his truncheon on the barricades, and who is as stern a republican as any in Rome's most republican day, sends off his legions to defend the A potentate who in the middle of the nineteenth pope from the mob of Romulus. 1848 lends its century pretends to be infallible, who has a great hand to 1048-the foremost institutions of the ninecure of souls all over the world, and who is think-teenth century to the most backward institutions of ing of it, and the dignity attached to it, far more the year one. We must again betake ourselves to than of the comfort and prosperity of the few mil- Gulliver's Travels or the Arabian Nights for a parlions committed to his temporal charge-a sovereign allel to this. who has his primatial relations to support with all the courts of Europe, how can he condescend to think of the commercial relations or the financial burdens of his own little state?

But there is something more comical than even General Cavaignac taking the pope by the hand; and this is, two companies of British marines mounting guard on the Vatican! The descendants of

those barbarous Anglo-Saxons Pope Gregory so self, with ostentatious forwardness, into somewhat much admired, come to protect his successor. It disreputable company. Her priests hurried to take is pity they are not clad in Harry the Eighth's their places in the foremost ranks of the onward Beefeater uniform. The Yeomen of the Guard, movement, and showed themselves not over nice still decked in the regimentals of the reformation, about sullying the dignity of their cloth, by mixreplacing the Swiss National Guards in the papal ing with the ruffian militia of socialism and anante-chamber! How it would delight the soul of archy. Last year, they were blessing newlyLord Roden, and what a speech it would make for opened railroads-this year, they have blessed that ex-British lion, Sir Culling Eardley! constitutions, trees of liberty, and all the other toys with which republicanism has diverted itself during its brief but uproarious holiday; and we cannot but think that, considering the circumstances, their benedictions were bestowed with a superabundant unction, and their allegiance tendered with a gratuitous warmth of cordiality. They have their reward. It would not, perhaps,

For our part, we are in much fear for the pope. We fear his empire is past restoration; and that neither the Croats, nor the Beefeaters, nor the Garde Mobile, nor all three united, will be able to restore him, or again set his triple tiara quite straight upon his revered head.-Examiner.

THE IMPENDING FALL OF PAPAL POWER.be easy to demonstrate why democracy should be Since the day when the wandering hero of Troy countenanced at one place, and forcibly suppressed buried his nurse on a Campanian promontory, a in another-why a revolution which was glorious circumstance which, as Virgil informs us, con- and irreproachable at Paris should be wicked, conferred undying glory on her place of sepulture, temptible, and sacrilegious at Rome. So, howthe good folks of Gaeta have not had so good a ever, it is. In the quarrel between Pius IX. and chance of seeing their town immortalized in his- his subjects, the Roman Church must take, perfory as they at present enjoy. Gaeta is now the force, the sovereign's side, and fulminate her heavcentre of Roman Catholic Christendom. Twenty- iest anathemas against the cause of the people. five cardinals accommodate themselves within its The church must shout to the rescue of menaced precincts. It is inhabited by ambassadors, and and expatriated royalty, and invoke the aid of forpeopled with princes of the church. In short, in eign bayonets to crush a populace fighting for the estimation of every devout Romanist, and of a what, in the language of the day, she herself has small set of respectable diplomatic personages, not scrupled to call, in a parallel case, their Gaeta is the most important little place on the " rights and liberties." The church is shut up surface of the habitable world. Meanwhile, the with her pontiff in his palace, flies with him into probabilities that Rome herself will shortly open exile, and, should he find a Bolognese Windischher gates to the fugitive pontiff appear to be daily graetz in General Zucchi, will return with him to increasing. The ruling junta is evidently not a lord it over his conquered subjects. As long as little embarrassed with its position, and regards she has a king for her supreme head, in whose with some apprehension the hostile attitude of the kingship she feels herself vitally interested, so legations. Of the recently elected provisional gov-long will there be one European throne hedged, ernment, two or three members are notoriously in her eyes, with a divinity through which it averse to the extremes, to which it is the object would be sacrilege to penetrate-so long, in the of the Bonaparte faction to hurry them. The exchequer is empty, the chamber thinly attended, and the people ill at ease; and the same effervescent irritability which drove Pius IX. away, may to-morrow demand his recall, unless some fresh excitement be devised to supply the ever-craving appetite for change. The deliverance of the unhappy pontiff from his banishment, and his restor-monial lordship, and the government of the terriation to the decent splendors of the Quirinal, are events much to be desired, as well for his own sake as for that of his ecclesiastical realm, which his recent misfortunes have thrown into a posture, in more respects than one, singularly awkward and uncomfortable. Hitherto, throughout the troubles of this eventful year, the Roman Church has made a point of appearing to keep pace with the march of revolution. If she has not preached democracy from the pulpit, she has carefully abstained from discouraging it; and, whilst we readNEWS OF THE WEEK ENDING 16 DEC. ily acquit her of having shown herself an active partisan of the tyrannous destructiveness from LOUIS NAPOLEON is elected President of the which France has with difficulty been rescued, French Republic, by an overwhelming majority we cannot forget how, from excessive dread of Louis Napoleon! the mere nephew of my unbeing left behind, she now and then thrust her- cle"-the open-handed lounger-the habitué of

land of her inheritance and her domicile, will she be royalist to the backbone. Nevertheless, happen what may, it is reasonably clear that a clergyman king cannot much longer exercise substantial sway within the sphere of our modern civilization. A few months or a few years, later-it matters little which-the church must surrender her patri

tory which now bears her name must be handed over, in its foreign, as well as its domestic, relations, to secular hands; and those who are interested in maintaining the dignity and independence of the Papacy, would do well to cast about for the means of procuring for it a more appropriate status, and adjusting it in a position less repugnant to the irresistible tendencies of the present and the coming age.- Chronicle.

From the Spectator.

Gore House-the rioter of Strasburg and invader implied in the election but not justly. As far as of Boulogne-the pamphleteer of Ham-the king the mere working of universal suffrage goes, it is of the tribe of Leicester Square! After the revo- to be observed that a vast movement has been eflution of February and the triumph of June-fected with scarcely any interruption to quietafter the toilsome and perilous gestation of ten with less turmoil than commonly marks a general months-republican France brings forth its great-election in our own well regulated country. And est man for the time being, and lo! it is the hero the fact that Louis Napoleon is the unquestionaof the tame eagle!

ble choice of the people at large, does furnish a What does it mean?-for of course that uni- powerful guarantee for order; since it tends to form and over-riding majority throughout France cut off hopes of present rivalry, and testifies for means something proportionately momentous. It him a very broad sanction. But the electors have means that all France is dissatisfied with the ex- not made an original selection. It is to be rememisting order of things. The citizens have voted bered that millions of men spread over the face of into power a totally new man; and in doing so, a vast territory cannot take the initiative-it is not they have set aside the government of February in the nature of things that they should be able to and of Lamartine,. the government of June and of do so. Universal suffrage could not spontaneously Cavaignac. The decision is not surprising. Lit-point out its own president, but could only make tle had been done to gain the confidence of the its selection from a list offered to it. Now let us country for either of those parties whom Lamar- understand what really was done. The choice lay tine and Cavaignac represented. The abolished between four candidates; for Lamartine, hedging monarchy was first undermined and then overthrown between the hopes of success and the fears of failby its corruption, its breach of faith, its oppressive ure, did not fairly throw himself into the contest burdens: the new government, founded "in the a sort of self-seeking coyness, which always rename of the people," was suspected, dictatorial, pels great public bodies, as they naturally feel and still more oppressive-wringing from the peo- that, if a man does not think it worth while to ple increased taxes, while its policy, or its ill-luck, risk his own credit, he cannot be worth election. destroyed trade, paralyzed industry, and curtailed Ledru-Rollin stood on his ambition as a "man of the enjoyments of life. The revolution of Feb- the people;" but it was not a time for trifling. ruary had disturbed everything and settled noth-To-accept Raspail would have been to accept the ing—had not even gratified the national passion for glory. No wonder that the people wished for change.

Many view the result as a verdict against the republican form of government. The facts, we think, scarcely bear out that inference. As against the "red republic," no doubt, the declaration is strong; though many of that party, especially of its communist section, are likely to have been speculating on the chances of converting the old pampleteer on industrial colonies to some use. But the broad question of a republican form of government was not put in issue. It is true that all enemies of the republic would vote for Louis Napoleon, because they regard his presidency as damaging to the republic through its anticipated ingloriousness, and through its being a kind of middle term between democracy and royalism. But the majority doubtless includes many conscientious persons who believe that Louis Napoleon will make a good president; many imperialists who have grown to be republicans; many who hope that a Bonaparte in the presidential chair may reconcile the conflict of parties; also, it is credibly supposed, numbers in the remote districts who actually believe that the man for whom they voted is "the old corporal" himself! The electors were not invited to vote on the distinct question of republic or no republic, and no decision to such effect can be construed out of the election. It implies dislike of the existing order, a hope that any change may be for the better, and an impression that a 'Napoleon" may have in the pocket of the old grey coat a little of the old glory of France.

"Universal suffrage" is taunted with the bathos

République Democratique et Sociale," for which the electors of France are evidently unprepared; and with that institution it would have been to accept also a president of very questionable eligibility; universal suffrage has the credit of placing its veto on the pretensions of M. Raspail. To accept Cavaignac would have been to vote for the continuance of the existing régime; which is negatived. If Louis Napoleon is not a man to be the favorite of a nation, he has at least some negative advantages; he is not yet committed to mischievous courses; he seems to be in able guidance; his very neutrality of character favors the notion that he may be inclined towards a national policy, and may conciliate interests which are now in conflict. In a word, he may make a better president than his enemies foresee.

Indeed, the fears for the future are not to he sought in the choice of president, but in the very framework of the republic-in the constitution, which sacrifices every sort of executive power to compromises and conflicting influences. The election settles nothing, for it creates no new gage of stability; the same movement is to be repeated in four years, and then there must be a change; since the constitution, excluding the actual president and all his kin, forbids stability or continuity in the personnel and spirit of the presiding officer.

Nay, will the presidency last so long? Already agitators chuckle at the chances of change which the four years may bring forth.

SUSPENSE, the wavering of victory between contending powers, characterizes the condition of other great continental movements.

That

In the Austrian empire affairs do not proceed | Austria, in order to definitive consolidation. The with perfect smoothness. Hungary is still contu- Assembly refused, apparently preferring to conmacious. Her revolutionary government accepts sider the union as a thing decided; and Schmerthe resignation of her "king," the Emperor Fer-ling resigned. He is succeeded by the Baron von dinand, but declines to accept the successor nomi- Gagern, a man of great estimation and influence; nated by the king, the Archduke Francis Joseph, and the new minister has urged the Assembly to now emperor. The pretext is, that by the Prag- make a further effort for retaining Austria. matic Sanction, no prince is to ascend the Hun- question is referred to a committee, with small garian throne under twenty years of age; but other prospect of success. Austria does not care for motives for the contumacy are obvious. The min- union with Germany; devoted for the time to the istry, whose scheme of policy, so far as it appears more pressing work of her own integration. Meanto us, is intelligent and hopeful, has pressed with while, it is understood that the Frankfort Assempeculiar severity on Hungary: while coercive bly has decided on the expediency of having an measures are suspended in other provinces of the hereditary emperor-a real potentate; and indeed, empire, Hungary is threatened with an invading the nugatory character of a lackland "emperor" army, and her leading men are denounced as trait- has been exposed ages ago, in the history of GerVienna has been coerced, so has Lombardy; many before Austria was an empire. Some calbut the rough measures belong to the bygone culate that Frederick William will be elected, and reign; it is in Hungary alone that the new emper- that Germany will be "Prussianized.” Others or approaches with an adverse front. Leading anticipate, that in such case King Maximilian of men in Hungary, therefore, are induced to hope more from a renewal of the imperial anarchy than from the reëstablishment of imperial authority. This untoward position seems to be the result of mistaken policy on both sides. The chances of success for Hungary, indeed, are small. She can hope for little aid from other provinces; Italy has had no reason to sympathize with the Magyars, who deliberately permitted their countrymen to fight the battle of the old despotism in the plains of Lombardy; and Vienna will contrast the boasts of the Hungarians with their performances and their selfish reservations.

ors.

Ominous proceedings in the Frankfort Parliament show that "Germany" is disposed to support the Prussian opposition in resisting the new constitution given by King Frederick William; but still more ominous signs in Austria and Prussia indicate a speedy termination to the vision of German unity.

The Pope of Rome and the ministry at Rome are in open conflict. His Holiness issues an edict annulling the acts of the ministry, and appointing a new commission of government tending to reaction. The government refuses to be superseded, and ignores the papal rescript, on the ground that it is not countersigned by any minister, and is, therefore, invalid. The pope has the disadvantage of distance; the contumacious government the disadvantage of wielding authority by a questionable tenure; the pope is slighted; the ministers are threatened with reaction in the Trastevere and Bologna.

Catholic Bavaria would object, and that probably there may be two “Germanies,” North and South, Protestant and Roman Catholic, under the dominion, respectively, of Prussia and Bavaria. Such are the uncertainties that accumulate in the prospects of poor "Germany."

The

The pope and his beloved subjects remain asunder; the pontiff still residing in the Neapolitan territory, and refusing to receive any communication from the Roman government; the Romans talking with increased favor of a republic, the pontiff to be deposed from his secular power. wavering of the Italian princes, and especially the flight of the pope, have had a manifest influence in damaging the cause of monarchy in Italy; and republicanism is "looking up," in the North as well as in Central Italy.-Spectator, 23 Dec.

In spite of her gigantic agitations, France appears to keep ahead of her continental neighbors in respect to settlement as well as revolution. The president of the republic was installed in his office on Wednesday; and there seems every reason to regard his investiture as commencing a more settled order of things. The election of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte by an enormous majority of the nation illustrates one advantage of universal suffrage; he is the choice of the people; a true verdict has been taken, and there is no further appeal-at least, for the present. The election has been effected with a minimum of disturbance, and Paris is profoundly tranquil. Two incidents of the installation may be noted. The president pledged himself to maintain the republie with a manner that wears every aspect of sincerity. On the other hand, while he is studiously called plain "Citizen Louis Napoleon Bonaparte," the theatrical tendencies of the French induced them to accompany the ceremony with a parade of processions of entry and exit, of military and artillery, in a way savoring of the honors paid to roy

"GERMANY" is far behind France in consolidating herself; indeed, the promoters of union appear to be all at sea again. The slighting manner in which the new Austrian ministry had talked of the union with Germany had provoked a feeling of distrust in Frankfort; and the minister of the central government, Schmerling, called upon the Frankfort Assembly to renew negotiations with alty.-Spectator, 23 Dec.

From the Spectator, 16th Dec.
EUROPEAN POLITICS.

lation of his promises and treaties, and the massacre of a nation to whom we were the guarantees of a liberal and representative government, may be hereafter a subject of discussion, when Sicily in her agony turns her side. We might have prevented the destruction of the most beautiful city in the world, and the murder of her brave defenders. The survivors of Messina lay the whole blame on England. The people of France, not only the red republicans, but the whole people, are incensed at Cavaignac. If he lose his election, as is probable, it will be lost by this culpable forbearance. In vain will this brave and temperate man attempt to persuade the world that he forebore because he was pacific and reluctant to disturb the peace of Europe. Will Russia, who alone of European states is constantly and invariably ruled by wise statesmen, believe his protesta

The name of Napoleon Bonaparte thrills through the bosoms of five hundred thousand soldiers. So great a body can never stand motionless or at ease long together. Italy, the scene of its glories, is before its eyes on the banks of the Rhone expands the mirage of Marengo; Lodi, Arcoli, Verona, Mantua, are already traversed by the ardent mind's impatient valor; and Hungary points out the way to Poland.

A RASH man is sometimes requisite to further the designs of Providence. Alexander of Macedon cuts a figure in old prophecies, and, half-madman as he was all his life, and more than halfdrunk the latter part of it, his violent actions had a wider and more potential influence on the world than the thoughtful energies of the temperate Cæsar. A person much inferior to the inferior of these two, rising up on the level and barren sands of modern society in the neighborhood of the Pigmies, has attracted the long, stupid gaze of the infatuated and the affrighted. After he had lost five armies, one of which was the most numerous that ever marched upon the earth, (for in Eastern armies, only one quarter is composed of fighting men,) Napoleon warred not against tion? She knows that he offered his army to aid windmills, but against snow-storms, and fled dis- the King of Sardinia; she knows that this amcomfited and shattered. To become a great man, bitious and incompetent king refused it, fearing, a man must do great mischief; and Napoleon what probably will happen in twenty months, that earned his title. He thought he had strength a republican spirit will prevail from the Alps of enough to throw back the age, and, at all events, Savoy to the Adriatic. This reserve on the part was resolved to stifle its children. For this pur-of Cavaignac, in compliance with our administrapose, after the murder of Palm and the banish- tion, will produce the results against which in its ment of De Staël, he took the trouble to compose blindness it fancied it was providing. a catechism, inculcating implicit obedience to imperial authority. His subjects kissed his sceptre on their knees, then suddenly sprang up and broke it. Mendacious as he was and fraudulent, he had fed them plentifully on the plunder of the confiding and the conquered. A gouty old glutton was seated by foreigners on the throne, patted the heads of the bloodhounds that crawled under it, and called them his children. They preferred meat and marrow to bread and milk, soon began We, I repeat it, have nothing to do with the to growl, and, instead of licking his sores, bit long and sanguinary wars about to inundate all shrewdly into them. His brother followed; and the east of Europe. Civilization stands against baranother Capet was, like Claudius, dragged out barism; representation against despotism. Greatfrom obscurity, and rendered peace more expen-ly do I lament the probability that a humane and sive than war. The wretchedly weak men who studious man should be absorbed by his empty at this hour govern England, are doing the same, name into a vortex which no strength can stem. and are sowing throughout the whole empire, in His only chance of safety is at the head of the all its dependencies, the seeds of discontent. army, and in keeping it occupied for many years may, however, at a future time, have more to say in the liberation of the kingdoms and tribes chained about them; at present I shall pursue the train together by the compound metals of Siberia. France of thought in which I began. England has for- requires the outpouring of her idle and the occufeited all power and lost all influence on the conti-pation of her industrious. Her clubs must be nent. Those only who have spent many years transferred to the camp or to the galley: the camp there, as I have done, and who, like me, have conversed with all classes, from the lowest to the highest, know or can imagine the contempt and hatred in which our nation is universally held. Our envoys, even if they were men of abilities, for which qualities they never are appointed, must be ignorant of the popular opinion in regard to our foreign policy. Our journalists of every party are greatly more clear-sighted; and there are leading articles in several papers from which wiser statesmen than any of ours might borrow much instruction.

I

Whether it was honest, or, indeed, whether it was politic, to permit the King of Naples the vio

is preferable.

Never may the time arrive, O Louis Napoleon! son of the most humane and most right-minded of kings! never may the time arrive when you shall recollect with bitterness the words I addressed to you when we met soon after your return to England: "Prince, I congratulate you on your escape from the two worst curses that can befall a rational creature-a prison, and a throne."

WALTER SAVAGE LANDOR.

CHANGE PERPLEXING KINGS.-Europe of 1848 is to stand alone in history, distinct alike from 1847 and 1849; for the incessant shifting of the