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army the succesgepending a
The control of this water he made no reference to the area in 1588 and 1805 was extreme importance of their assured by a special squadron, offensive action. His argument which held the narrow seas was really based on a defensive firmly while the main fleets strategy, depending mainly for dealt with the enemy's capital its success on the action of ships. The invading army the destroyer and submarine. cannot move until this special In adopting this attitude he squadron is overpowered. Its doubtless reflected the opinions strength and composition de- of his professional advisers. pend upon the force by which It is noteworthy that in 1902 it is threatened, as has been the Admiralty laid before the already explained in the case Colonial Conference a “Memorof Lord Keith's squadron. andum on Sea-power and the That torpedo boats and de- Principles involved in it," in stroyers alone are not sufficient which occur the following has been proved by Admiral passages :Togo, who with his combined “In the foregoing remarks the force of all classes has driven word defence does not appear. It is the Russian torpedo craft into omitted advisedly, because the port, and covered the landing primary object of the British Navy of an army in spite of them.
is not to defend anything, but to
n. attack the fleets of the enemy, and, Neither is the untried submar- by defeating them, to afford protecine likely to prove more effect- tion to British dominions, shipping, ive than the torpedo boat and and commerce. This is the ultimate destroyer. Nothing is more to ;
to aim. To use the word defence would
i be misleading, because the word be deprecated than the attempt carries with it the idea of a thing which has been made to ens to be defended, which would divert hance unduly its importance attention to local defences instead of by playing on the credulity of fixing it on the forces from which
attack is to be expected. The tradithe public, to whom the un- tional role of the British Navy is not known is always terrible. The to act on the defensive, but to prenew instrument of war has no pare to attack the force which doubt a value, but that it is threatens—in other words, to assume anything more than an aux the offensive." iliary with limited and special This is the strategy of Drake uses is difficult to believe. and Togo. The emphasis laid
The Prime Minister has told on the defensive in 1905, as the country that the invasion compared with the offensive of these islands is not an event. in 1902, is commended to the uality which need be seriously attention of the reader, who considered. Although our or- will remark the far - reaching ganised fleets were assumed to and important consequences be absent from home waters, involved.
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THE constitution and work- ance or indifference, they fail ing of one of the most colossal to discharge that responsibility, governments in the world of they are not performing the a Government of foreigners first of all duties in an English over a conglomeration of citizen-his duty to his country. nations of various creeds, races, The interests of India are Engand temperaments — affords a land's real interests. About plentiful source of reflection to keeping India there is no questhe political student and the tion. Without India, as Lord practical statesman. It is a Curzon has said, there would matter which ought to be of be no British Empire. The enduring and never-diminish- danger of foreign invasion is, ing interest to all Englishmen. however, not the only danger England has a real duty in which besets our rule. An India, and, though the great Act of the Indian Legislature work of practical administra- pressed upon the Government tion must be done by the men by ignorant politicians at home, on the spot, it is the British or a military order issued by a nation that, before the world, Commander - in - Chief unacstands pledged for the right quainted with the land, may performance of it. The respon- arouse the fanaticism and sibility for a just, impartial, bigotry of millions, and create and stable government of India a blaze of fury and revolt has been committed, for good which would tax the strength or evil, into the hands of Par- of England to extinguish. The liament, and through Parlia- ignorance which prevails with ment to the electoral body of respect to Indian affairs is not Great Britain. They must confined to the uneducated realise that if, through ignor- masses that mainly form the VOL CLXXVIII.—NO. MLXXVIII.
electoral body of Great Britain. did not know there is in India There is not one well-informed "a semi-elective Council with man out of ten who knows a voice in financial matters.” that the title Viceroy of India The object of this brief, and has no statutory provision; that necessarily inadequate, sketch the Governor-General is a sena- of the development of constitutorial proconsul; that the super- tional government in India, intendence, direction, and con- and of the machinery as it trol of the civil government operates to-day, is to remove, of British India is not vested in some degree, ignorance so in the Governor-General, but strange and discreditable. in the Governor - General - in. In order rightly to compreCouncil ; that the superintend- hend the nature of the governence, direction, and control of ment of India and to judge of the military government of its character, the conscientious British India is vested not in inquirer must first direct his the Governor-General nor in attention to the circumstances the Commander-in-Chief, but under which it arose, and to in the Governor - General- in the principles on which it is Council; that to make the founded. He must trace and Commander-in-Chief Minister understand the close union of War would involve a far- between the history and conreaching change in the con- stitution of the Indian Governstitution of the Indian Govern- ment and that of England. The ment. Ignorance as to the Supreme Government of India respective powers of the Secre- is not the creation of any tary of State and of the Council Indian authority, but derives of India, ignorance as to the its constitution and powers plenary authority of the Gov- from many successive Acts of ernor-General and the constitu. Parliament. It is a common tional rights of the Council of error that the East India the Governor-General, is general Company were a trading comand profound. A striking proof pany owning vast provinces in of the accuracy of these state- India over which they exercised ments was afforded the other sovereign rights until an Act day. At this time, when grave of Parliament, in 1858, transquestions of foreign policy and ferred these territories and this great military problems affect- government to the Crown. The ing the peace and security of claim of the Crown to the our Indian Empire are pressing Indian territories was asserted for solution, a Member of Par- as soon as Clive laid the foundaliament, who at the time was tion, in 1765, of territorial a member of the Cabinet, the sovereignty by the acquisition executive body “from whence of the Diwani or right comes," as Lord Beaconsfield of receiving the revenues of said, “the final decision on Bengal, Behar, and Orissa. these matters,” stated in the Clive proposed that the Crown House of Commons that he should take possession of the " was colossally ignorant of territorial acquisitions, and Indian affairs,” and that he Chatham agreed with him that it was both the right and the the Diwani decreased while the duty of the Crown to take the expenditure increased. In 1773 government of India under its the financial embarrassments direct control. He held that of the Company became 80 no subjects could acquire the great that they were obliged sovereignty of any territory for to solicit help, and they rethemselves, but only for the ceived a loan from the public nation to which they belonged. of £1,400,000. As the public The Cabinet was divided on the had become a creditor of the subject, and the Rockingham Company, the Ministry could section of the Whigs maintained no longer neglect Indian affairs, the sole right of the Company, and the same year Parliament under the terms of its charters, passed “An Act for establishto the government and revenues. ing certain Regulations for Burke, the most prominent the better management of the member of the party, was affairs of the East India Comthen a fervent supporter of pany as well in India as in the rights of the Company Europe.” It has often been Government and the Company, assumed and stated that Parhe considered, were “as equal liament for the first time dealers on the footing of mutual interfered to control the adadvantage.” The public had ministration of the Company derived great benefit from such by Pitt's famous East India dealings, but “the Ministry, Bill. But this is a mistake. instead of listening to the new It was by the Regulating Act proposals of that Company, of 1773 that, for the first time, chose to set up a claim of the the British nation, as a nation, Crown to their possessions," assumed the actual responsiand Burke, who in after years bility of the government of the was never weary of slandering territories won by the servants the Company and its servants, of a trading corporation. By was shocked that “the East this measure it was enacted India Company was to be that “for the government of covered with infamy and dis- the Presidency of Fort William grace.” The Company came in Bengal there shall be apto a compromise by agreeing to pointed a Governor - General pay an annual sum of £400,000 and four Counsellors,” in whom “ in respect of the territorial the whole civil and military acquisitions and revenues lately government of Bengal, Behar, obtained in the East Indies.” and Orissa were invested. After Clive's return to England The Governor of Bengal was the affairs of the Company converted into & Governorbecame utterly disorganised, General in order to give emowing, as he stated, to “a phasis to the fact that the relaxation of government in other Presidencies were subhis successors; great neglect ordinate to Bengal. The on the part of his Majesty's Governor-General and Council Administration, notorious mis- were appointed by name in the conduct on the part of the Act; they were to hold office Directors.” The revenue from for five years, and were not removable except by the Crown, was nominated the first Goverafter representation made by nor-General; and Barwell, an the Court of Directors. In old servant of the Company, order to have a supervising was the fourth member. On control over the Company, the the 26th of October 1774 the important power was taken for new Council met for the first the Secretary of State and the time, and then commenced that Board of Treasury to examine long quarrel which, after disall correspondence received in tracting British India, was reEngland from India. The newed in England, and in Governor-General and Council which all the most eminent were required constantly and statesmen of the age took an diligently to transmit to the active part. The GovernorCourt of Directors “all exact General and his counsellors particulars of all advices or fought not only with each intelligence and of all transac- other, but they fought with tions and matters whatever.” the Supreme Court. The Act The paramount authority of of 1773 had two vital defects. the Sovereign was declared by The first was that the Goverthe creation of a Supreme Court nor-General was entirely deof Justice. The Court was the pendent on the vote of his King's Court, and every officer Council. The second was the of the Company and the Com- placing a Court of Justice, the pany itself were amenable to the interpreter of its own charter jurisdiction and powers of that and of the laws which it adtribunal, subject only to appeal ministered, at a distance of to the Sovereign in Council. many thousand miles from the
The Regulating Act of 1773 Legislature which alone it was was a failure, because it at- bound to obey. Francis wrote tempted what Parliament can to a friendnever do with success—a direct "I wish you would enquire and interference in the local govern- tell me in what dirty corner of ment of India. Three of the Westminster Hall these cursed men named in the Act to con- Judges were picked up. I have duot the local government in
no personal Quarrel with any of
them, but assuredly they are driving India had no Indian experience hard to the destruction of this Coun- Lieutenant - General John try. It was a pleasant Idea to give a Clavering, who had neither Nation a Court of Judicature before ability nor tact. owed his ap- you gave them a Constitution. I see a
Number of Streams but no Fountain. pointment entirely to parlia- I see Laws without a Sovereign. mentary influence; Monson Does any man in England know, or was a brave old soldier of think it worth his while to inquire no political capacity; Philip who is King of Bengal ? I believe not. Francis, when my hopes of
Yet, tho' a matter of Indifference
among you great Politicians at a disemployment were distant and tance, it is really a Question of some uncertain,” owed his success little account to us who pretend to to Lord Barrington. Secretary be a Government, and are now and at War, whom he had served: then obliged to act as if we were so." Warren Hastings, who was During the whole of his Governor - General of Bengal, Indian career, Francis wrote
was any, inntirely