government of this country to permit it. I cannot but regret, that you had not gained information in this particular before you came to England. If your with had been made known to me before you undertook the journey, I would have informed you without referve, that it would have been a useless one. It remains now with me to point out to you my opinion, that you muft conform, without delay, to the decifion I have been under the neceffity to communicate to you by this letter.

I have the honour to be, &c. (Signed) GRENVILLE. M. Dumourier.

His Majefty's Speech to both Houses of Parliament, June 21.

My Lords and Gentlemen,

HE firmnefs, wifdoin, and public fpirit by which your conduct has been eminently diftinguished on the many important occafions which have arifen during the prefent feffion, demand my peculiar acknowledgments.

Your firm determination to fupport the established conftitution, and the zealous and general concurrence in that fentiment which my fubjects have fo ftrongly and feafonably manifefted, could not fail to check every attempt to difturb the internal repofe of thefe kingdoms; and you will, I doubt not, in your feveral counties encourage the continuance of the fame vigilant attention to that important object.

The rapid and fignal fucceffes which in an early period of the campaign have attended the operations of the combined armies; the 6.

refpectable and powerful force which you have enabled me to employ by fea and land, and the measures which I have concerted with other powers for the effectual profecution of the war, afford the best profpe&t of a happy iffue to the important conteft in which we are engaged; it is only by perfeverance in vigor. ous exertions, and by endeavouring to improve the advantages already acquired, that we can hope to ob. tain the great end to which my views are uniformly directed, the reftoration of peace on fuch terms as may be confiftent with our permanent fecurity, and with the general tranquillity of Europe."

Gentlemen of the Houfe of
Commons,

I return you my particular thanks for the cheerfulness and dispatch with which you have granted the neceffary fupplies, and I am happy to reflect that you have been enabled liberally to provide for the exigencies of the public service in a manner fo little burthenfome to my people.

My Lords and Gentlemen,

The arrangements which you have formed for the government of the British territories in India, and for the regulation of our commerce with that part of the world, will, I doubt not, fecure and augment the important benefits which we have already derived from those valuable poffeffions. It has been impoffible for me to fee without concern the embarrassment which has lately arifen in the ftate of commercial credit, but the fteps which you have taken to prevent the progrefs of that evil appear already to have been productive of

very

very falutary confequences; and while they have afforded a striking inftance of your attention to the interefts of my people, their effect has furnished additional reason to believe that the diftrefs which has been felt proceeded from a concurrence of temporary causes, and not from any diminution of the real wealth, or any failure in the permanent resources, of the country.

I have much fatisfaction in reflecting on the effectual protection which I have been enabled to afford to the trade of my fubjects fince the breaking out of the war; I am at the fame time perfuaded, that if our commercial interefts had unavoidably been affected to a more confiderable extent, it would not have been forgotten that we are contending for our future fecurity, and for the permanent prefervation of advantages the most ftriking and the most valuable which any nation has ever, by the bleffing of Providence, been permitted to enjoy.

dained, in cold blood, the most unheard of murders on the most refpectable and innocent perfons, have filled the measure of their iniquities by thedding the blood of their lawful and well-meaning. fovereign.

For these reasons the king orders me to declare, as I do declare in his name, that all good Frenchmen who, abhorring the erroneous and perverfe maxims that have produced, and are productive of an overthrow, as fatal as it is dif aftrous, thall declare themfelves to be attached to their monarch, will find in his majetty every kind of protection and fupport:--that the troops whom I have the honour to command, fhall obferve the most fcrupulous difcipline, and fhall in no manner attack the fafety nor property of any body:-that the fpeedieft juftice fhall be done to every Frenchman who fhall make a well-founded complaint against any individual whatever of the Spanish army; and that the troops fhall pay ready money for whatever is fold or furnithed to them. On the contrary, all thofe will be perfe cuted who, perfevering in falfe principles, or deluded by the attraction of an illufory liberty, fhall fide with the pretended national convention, and act against the good caufe, either in a hoftile manner by advice, or by fuggeftions; and all fuch fhall be treated as rebels and traitors to religion, their fovereign, and native country.

(Signed) RICANDOS.

to expose ourselves to death in the field of honour, or be butchered by our fire fides. We muft fave the republic, or perish with it; carefs anarchy, or destroy it. We muft refume our place among nations, or rank ourselves among the flaves of Afia, or the hordes of favages.

When the national reprefentation is diffolved by lofing its integrity; when the departments, whofe mandataries are hamefully confined, juftly confider themselves as not reprefented; when the majefty of the people is violated by infults offered to their ambaffadors; when the faction who with for a king infolently domineer in that corrupted city which braves us, there is then no middle point: fhame and flavery, or to haften to Paris.

If you wafte, in deliberating on the evil, that valuable time which ought to be employed in applying the laft remedy, your country, your liberty, the honour of the French nation, you, your children, and wives, will be for ever loft. There will be no longer public or private fortune; you will have loft four years of care, trouble, anxiety, battles, and torrents of blood fhed for the nobleft of causes.

You will lofe them without refource: a bafe handful of factious men murders the liberty of more than twenty-five millions. In this fiate of crifis and agitation, a voice proceeds from the center and extremetics of the republic; it proclaims that the nation have rifen to conquer, or bury themselves under its ruins.

The nation has rifen: let us march; Marfeilles fays fo; and Marseilles, doubtless, has a right to your confidence, and to fupport

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that revolution of which it fet the example. This is the last use which it wishes to make of the freedom of speaking, to manifeft its grand refolutions and decifive meafures; inftead of an armed people, a nation of warriors, who wait only for the fignal of battle, the vain preparation of words, it is the courage of actions which we have need of.

Let us ftrike, and let the French, accused fo long of being frivolous, prove to the world, that if they were fo under kings, they are become impatient of infult, and terrible like the Gauls and the Franks, from whom they have the honour to be defcended.

Republicans, men of all countries, who with for liberty and deteft licentiousness, who abhor royalty, and who wish to maintain the republic one and indivifible, join the Marseillefe, who exprefs that with already expreffed by a great number of departments.

They perceive that the present political fituation of Paris is equivalent to a declaration of war against the whole republic.

They accufe and denounce to you, as the occafion of all the diforders which afflict France, Philip of Orleans and his faction; the frantic monfter who fells to him his howlings, and whofe name would difgrace this proclamation; the den of the Jacobins at Paris; the factious and intriguers who are difperfed throughout it, and who make themselves bufy in every corner of the republic. Marseilles marks them out as the enemies of the public, who wished to conduct us to the brink of the precipice, to adulterate their monftrous and preconcerted anarchy with a king of

their

their own creation. And this king would be the most corrupted man of his age; a man loaded with debt; rich in difgrace, bafenefs, and debauchery; a man whom a virtuous citizen would not admit among the number of his footmen, and whom the latter would drive from among them; a man, in fhort, confined within our walls, and against whom we invoke fpeedy and fevere punishment.

We invite you to fign with us the juft and indifpenfible confederation which we propofe for the public fafety, and to wath away fo many injuries.

Marseilles confequently declares that it is in a legal state of refiftance to oppreffion, and that it authorifes itfelf by the law of public fafety to make war on the factious.

That it cannot any longer acknowledge in the convention, whofe integrity is violated, the national representation; and that, at that epoch only when the mandataries of the people reftored to their functions ihall vote in freedom, the nation will obey them with confidence and fubmiffion.

That the throne of anarchy has been railed on the bloody ruins of that which you have fo juftly overturned, and that tyranny is deteftable in proportion to the perversity and the exceflive corruption of those who wish to exercise it.

That the factious have already been able to diffolve the convention, by weakening it; by carrying into the bofom of it diforganization, diforder, and foolish temerity; and the French nation cannot confider the acts emanating from a portion of the reprefentatives of the people, who ftill occupy their places, but as fo many proofs of

the constraint exercised over some, by the perfidy and villany of others.

That the imprisonment of a great number of legiflators is a crime produced by the delirium of villany; a crime which pofterity will fcarcely credit, if it comes not to them accompanied with proofs of the ftriking vengeance which we fwear we will take, and which you will be able to obtain along with us.

That the people of worth whom Paris ftill contains, are invited to fecond, as much as may be in their power, the united efforts that we are going to make for the common fafety, and fuffer to fall on the heads of the factious all the weight of that refponfibility which they have incurred by their crimes.

That the ruling faction at Paris has reduced the republic to fuffer in that city, too long domineered over and abufed, an armed force, which is the last refource of the fovereign people, by declaring, that the deftination of confederated forces under the orders, and raised according to the with of the departments, is to carry on a mortal war against those who wish to direct it into our bofoms torn by their criminal hands.

That every man capable of bearing arms is fummoned in the name of the law, of general and individual intereft, and of humanity, to come and ftrengthen the mound which we are going to oppofe to the deftructive torrent, unless every citizen wishes to be hurried into the abyfs which anarchifts and infamous depredators have prepared for us.

That by decreeing to raise a determined number of men ready

to