partizan of France, and in corref pondence with perfons in that country. Mr. Windham replied to Mr. Fox. It had been faid, he obferved, that no fpecific object had been held out for which this country thould go to war; nor in his opinion could it always happen, that, previous to entering upon a war, the precife object which was to lead to its termination fhould be distinctly known. At prefent we go to war for the fecurity of this country, to attain which would be the object of the war, though it might be impoffible to fay how or when that was to be obtained: in the fame way, when a perfon is attacked by a ruffian, the object is to efcape, though it may be uncertain by what means that may be accomplifhed. In his opinion, from the prefent declared difpofitions of the French, war was inevitable, and the only choice left us was the time, and he thought it by no means prudent to wait till they were ready to attack us. He conceived the French to be actuated by as great a spirit of conqueft at prefent as they had ever been. War might, no doubt, occafion fome difcontents in this country; but impreffed, as he was, that war was abfolutely inevitable, neither that confideration, nor the calamities neceffarily attending it, and which were always much to be regretted, bore at all upon his mind. His opinion of the views of the French, founded upon the whole tenor of their conduct for the laft three or four years, could hardly be changed by any argument; and from thence conceiving it impoffible that war could be avoided, he thought it should be undertaken when it might probably be moft effectually carried on; negotiation might, no doubt, be tried, but he had no hope that it would do any good. Mr. Windham then proceeded to ftate ftrongly his ideas of the great danger of the propagation of French principles; and that opinions and principles, fupported and propas gated by arms, behoved to be op pofed by arms. In his idea, the conqueft of Britain by Louis XVI. would by no means have been a calamity equal to the propagation of French principles. In the one cafe, our perfons might perhaps have been fafe; all morality, order, and religion, would be totally overthrown in the other. This would be a war pro aris & focis to the greateft extent. He With refpect to the Duke of Brunswick's expedition, which had been called the caufe of defpots, he confeffed, that he had wished them fuccefs, from the belief that the evil which that expedition was undertaken to remove was greater than any which could be apprehended from its fuccefs. could, by no means, he said, join with Mr. Fox in his approbation of French principles, confidered abftractedly; for they appeared to him as falfe in theory as in practice.--Who, he asked, ever expected advantages from war? But great as is the evil of war, he obferved, that there must be a ftill greater evil; namely, the occafion of it. As to the idea that nothing but extirpation could effect the most defirable object of the war, that was viewing the matter in too dreadful a light: it might rather be hoped, that a people, who had of late fo often changed their opinion, would E 3 again again be induced to alter it, and to adopt fentiments more confiftent with the good order of all governments, and the general tranquillity of Europe, as well as more condufive to their own happiness. The motion for the address was carried without a divifion. On the 28th of January, the marquis of Stafford prefented to the House of Lords a meffage from his majefty, fimilar to that prefented to the Houfe of Commons; and on the firft of February that meffage was taken into confideration by their lordships. As we have given fo large an extract from the very able debate in the Houfe of Commons on this motion, we shall only observe, that it was fupported in the Houfe of Peers, by the Lords Grenville, Darnley, Carlisle, Portchefter, Kinnoul, Stormont, and the Chancellor, Lord Loughborough; and oppofed by the Lords Stanhope, Lauderdale, Derby, and the marquis of Lanfdowne; when it was carried without a divifion. It might here be expected that the preceding debates would have produced fome reflections from us refpecting the apparent views of France, and the probable defigns of the British miniftry: but we fhall referve our opinions on the fubjects of this chapter, to the conclufion of it. Inftead of making obfervations on the poffibility of preferving peace, we are called upon to record a declaration of war: but whether it was ignorantly or arrogantly provoked by the British government, or madly decreed by the French convention, will be the fubject of our future and very attentive confideration. On the 11th of February Mr. Secretary Dundas brought up meflage from his majefty to the Houfe of Commons *. On the 12th of February his majefty's meffage was taken into confideration. Mr. Pitt faid, whatever difference of opinion might formerly have exifted with respect to subjects, on which, however, the great majority both of that Houfe and the nation had coincided in fentiment, whatever doubts might be entertained as to the intereft which this country had in the recent tranfactions on the continent, whatever queftion might be made of the fatisfaction to which this country was intitled, or whatever question might be made of the mode of conduct which had been pursued by government, which lately had not been carried fo far as to produce even a divifion; yet when the fituation in which we now flood was confidered, when those circumftances which had occurred to produce an alteration in the ftate of affairs fince the laft addrefs, were taken into the account, he could not doubt but that there would be one unanimous fentiment and voice expreffed on the prefent occafion. The question now was, not what degree of danger or infult we fhould find it necessary to repel, from a regard to our fafety, or from a fenfe of honour; the queftion now was, not whether we fhould adopt in our measures a fyftem of promptitude and vigour, or of tamenefs and procraftination; whether we fhould facrifice every other confideration to the continuance of an uncertain and infecure peace? When war was declared, and the event no longer in our option, it remained only to be confidered, * See State Papers, page 133. ད fidered, whether we should prepare to meet it with a firm determination, and fupport his majesty's government with zeal and courage against every attack. War now was not only declared, but carried on at our very doors; a war which aimed at an object no lefs deftructive than the total ruin of the freedom and independence of this country. After having taken a view of the fituation of the country at the time of his majefty's laft meffage, and of the circumftances which had preceded and accompanied it, Mr. Pitt entered into a very extenfive examination of the fituation in which we ftood at that important moment. When, faid he, his majefty had difmiffed Mr. Chauvelin, as by the melancholy catastrophe of the monarch, his character had ceafed at the British court, eight days had been allowed him for his departure, and if during that period he had fent any more fatisfactory explanation, it would ftill have been received. M. Chauvelin, however, inftantly quitted the country, without making any propofition. The next event that fucceeded, was an embargo laid on all the veffels and perfons of his majetty's fubjects who were then in France, contrary to treaty, and against all the laws of nations. timation from General Dumourier, that the general wifhed an interview, in order to fee if it were yet poffible to adjuft the differences between the two countries, and to promote a general pacification. Inftead of treating the embargo as an act of hoftility, and forbearing from any communication, even after this aggreffion, his majefty's minifters, on the fame day on which the embargo was made known to them, gave inftructions to the ambaffador. at the Hague to enter into a communication with General Dumourier; and they did this with great fatisfaction, on feveral accounts; firft, because it might be done without committing the king's dignity for the general of an army might, even in the very midft of war, without any recognition of his authority, open any negotiation. of peace. But this fort of communication was defirable alfo, becaufe, if fuccessful, it would be attended with the most immediate effects, as its tendency was imme-. diately to ftop the progrefs of war, in the moft practical, and perhaps, in the only practical way. No time was therefore loft in authorifing the king's minifter at the Hague to proceed in the purfuit of fo defirable an object, if it could be done in a fafe and honourable mode, but not otherwife. But before the anfwer of government could reach the ambailador, or any means be adopted for carrying the object propofed into execution, war was declared, on the part of the French, against this country. Notwithstanding this violent and outrageous act, fuch was the difpofition to peace in his majefty's minifters, that the channels of communication, even after this period, were not fhut: a most fingular circumftance happened, which was the arrival of intelliHe now proceeded to the degence from his majefty's minifter claration itself, which afferts, at the Hague, on the very day" that the king of England has when the embargo became known not ceafed, especially fince the rehere, that he had received an in- volution of the 10th of Aug. 1792, to give proofs of his being evil difpofed towards the French nation, and of his attachment to the coalition of crowned heads." But notwithstanding this affertion, the French have not attempted to fhew any act of hoftility on the part of his majefty; nor in fupport of the charge of his attachment to the coalition of crowned heads have they been able to alledge any fact. In short, Mr. Pitt affirmed, that no acceffion to any fuch treaty had taken place on the part of the crown of Great Britain. The next charge brought by the national affembly was, that the king of England had ordered his ambaffador at Paris to withdraw, because he would not acknowledge the provifional executive council, created by the legifiative affembly." After the horrors of the 10th of Auguft, and the 2d of September, after the fufpenfion of the French monarch, to whom alone the ambaffador had been fent, it certainly became proper to recall him. He could not remain to treat with any government to whom he was not accredited; and the propriety of his being recalled appears ftill more evident, when it is confidered, that the banditti who had feized upon the government had been obliged, in the course of a month, to yield to the intereft of a different party, but of a description fimilar to their own. When a government was overturned, it became a fair queftion how long an interval fhould intervene till the new powers fhould be acknowledged: and if that change of government was accompanied with the utmost tumult and distraction, it became a matter of extreme hardship that a war fhould be the confequence to the nation, which fhould refufe to acknowledge it in the first inftance. Mr. Pitt proceeded to state ano, ther reafon given by the convention for the declaration of war, "that the Cabinet of St. James's has ceafed, fince the fame period, (the 10th of Auguft) to correfpond with the French ambassador at London, on pretext of the fuspenfion of the heretofore king of the French: that, fince the opening of the national convention, it has refused to refume the ufual correfpondence between the two ftates, and to acknowledge the powers of this convention: that it has refufed to acknowledge the ambaffa. dor of the French republic, although provided with letters of credit in its name." M. Chauvelin had been received at this court as ambaffador of the king, and in no other character. From the period of the fufpenfion of the king, he, for fome months, ceafed to hold any communication with the government here, or to act in any capacity: nor was it till the month of December that he had received his letter of credence to act here as the ambassador of the French republic. When these letters of credence had been tendered, they were refused; but it was to be confidered whether it would have been proper to have recognifed them, after the repeated inftances of offence, for which no compenfation had been made; and of which, indeed, every fresh act prefented not only a repetition but an aggravation. And befides at that very moment, it was to be recollected, they were embarked in the unjust and inhuman procefs which had terminated in the mur- it has alfo received the chiefs of the rebels of the French Weft-India colonies." der of their king. Would it have been becoming in our government first to have acknowledged them at such a moment, when the power they had affumed was thus cruelly and unjustly exercifed against that very authority which they ufurped? The following articles of the declaration were then collectively ftated: "That the court of St. James's has attempted to impede the differeut purchafes of corn, arms, and other commodities ordered in England, either by French citizens or the agents of the republic, "That it has caufed to be ftopped feveral boats and thips loaded with grain for France, contrary to the treaty of 1786, while exportation to other foreign countries was free. "That in order still more effectually to obftru&t the commercial operations of the republic in England, it obtained an act of parliament prohibiting the circulation of affignats. That in violation of the fourth article of the treaty of 1786, it obtained another act, in the month of January laft, which fubjects all French citizens, refiding in, or coming into England, to forms the moft inquifitorial, vexatious, and dangerous. "That at the fame time, and contrary to the 1ft article of the peace of 1783, it granted protection and pecuniary aid not only to the emigrants, but even to the chiefs of the rebels, who have already fought againft France; that it has maintained with them a daily correfpondence, evidently directed against the French revolution: that With respect to the charge of having stopped fupplies of grain and other commodities intended for France, what could be more ridiculous than fuch a pretext? When there was reafon to apprehend that France meditated an attack upon the allies of this country and againft the country itfelf, upon which it depended for the ftores and ammunition neceffary for carrying on hoftilities; could we therefore be fich children in understanding, and fuch traitors in principle, as to furnish to our enemies the means of hoftility and the inftruments of offence! --The French alfo confidered it as a very offenfive act in the British government, that it had not permitted affignats to be circulated in this country. They had truly great reafon to be offended that we would: not receive what was worth nothing; and that, by exerciúing an act which came completely within our own fovereignty, with refpe& to the circulation of any foreign paper currency, we thus avoided a gigantic fyftem of fwindling. Of the fame nature was the pretext refpecting the alien bill, which was provided to thield us from the artifice of the feditious, and perhaps from the dagger of the aifaffin. This bill the French confidered as an infringement of the treaty of commerce: but how was that poflible, when it was expreilly declared in the treaty itself, that no act was to be confidered as an infringement, unless proper explanation has firft taken place. The next ground affigned in the decla ration, |