cent government of the houfe of Brunswick. Every day will thew we have learnt, from the uninterrupted experience of more than a century, that limited hereditary monarchy, poifed and balanced as ours was at the glorious revolution, is, for a great country like this, the beft form of government that ever was framed. It unites more of the different forms, as they are technically called, than was ever combined in one fyftem. To the vigour, energy, difpatch, and fecrecy of a ftrong executive power, directed by one governing mind, it joins the fulleft protection of the rights of the fubject under the dominion of equal law it unites, in a word, the largeft portion of real, rational, civil liberty, that ever has been enjoyed by man. Lord Stormont concluded in the following manner: "When any danger threatens the exifting government and conftitution of my country, I am called by the voice of duty to join in their defence. I cannot fhrink from, or elude that duty, by faying to myfelf, I do not like thefe miniflers; I with the administration was in different, and, as I may think, in abler hands.' It is not this or that minifter, this or that denomination of men, that I join upon occafions like thefe. I range myfelf under the broad banner of the conftitu-. tion. I add one to the great phaJanx that is to thield it from the poifoned arrows directed against it. I join in the defence of that, which, whilft it remains inviolate, mutt afford numberless bleflings and comforts to us all, but which, if ever it fhould receive a mortal wound, if ever it should fall, muft, in its fall, bring immediate uni

verfal ruin. I know the bleifings of peace; I know the calamities infeparable even from profperous war: but, my lords, as inuch as I value the bleffings of peace, (no man can prize them more) I fhall ever be of opinion, that even thofe bleffings may be bought too dear. They must not be purchased by the intolerable facrifice of the national honour."

Lord Rawdon delivered his opinion with great animation against minifters, on the fame grounds as the other lords who had preceded him; and lord Stanhope, after a very exalted eulogium on the Britith conftitution, defended the character of Condorcet, execrated that of the duke of Brunswick, and imputed the maffacres of the 10th of Auguft to his manifefto.

The marquis Towufhend and Lord Portchefter gave their decided opinions in favour of minifters. The marquis of Lanfdowne, then moved an amendment to the addrefs, which was negatived without a divifion. The address was then put and carried in the affirmative.

December 14.-When the lord mayor had brought up the report of the addrefs, Mr. Fox rofe to move an amendment, of which he had given notice on the preceding day.

He declared it to be his opinion, that, from the moment minifters knew that a league was formed againft France, this country ought to have interfered. France had juftice completely on her fide, and we, by a prudent negotiation with the other powers, might have prevented the horrid fcenes which were afterwards exhibited, and faved too the neceffity of being

reduced

reduced to our prefent fituation. We should have held out to Europe a leffon of moderation, of justice, and of dignity, worthy of a great empire this was the conduct which ought to have been adopted, and whichminifters had neglected. There was general advantage, however, refulting from this: it taught the proudest men in this world, that there is an energy in the cause of juftice, which, when once fupported, nothing can defeat. Whoever conceived him to be of opinion, that the aggrandizement of France was a matter of indifference to this country, mistook him grofsly: for the French had conducted themfelves in fuch a manner, as to induce him to believe that the power of France might be formidable to this country. Though without allies, and with almoft ruined finances, fhe was more formidable than fhe had ever been; fhe was formidable now from her freedom, the animated effects of which were beyond human calculation. All the inhabitants of Europe who felt any thing in the cause of freedom, held a fympathy for them, and wifhed them fuccefs, regarding them as men ftruggling with tyrants and defpots, while they were endeavouring to form for themselves a free government. Mr. Fox then took a general view of the fituation of Europe, and argued from the actual ftate of it, but particularly of thofe powers on whom we should look for aid, that war would be a very dangerous, if not ruinous, meafure for this country. In fupport of this principle, he entered into an examination of the internal state of the British dominions; and argued, if difcontents did really exift, that the taxes which must be raifed

to fupport the war, would certainly encrease them. He then urged, in a very forcible manner, an immediate negotiation with the executive government of France, to prevent the approaching horrors of war when, after giving notice that he should, on the following day, offer a motion to the house to that effect, he moved an amend ment to the addrefs, befeeching his majefty to employ every fpecies of honourable negotiation in order to prevent a war with France.

Mr. Sheridan feconded the amendment; which, if adopted, would ftill, he believed, refcue the country from a war.

Mr. Burke, confidering it as admitted that France muft not be permitted to open the Scheldt, and that he must also be either induced by negotiation, or compelled by arms, to reftore the conquefts fhe had made, thought it a very extraordinary way of effecting either purpose, to reprefent our internal fituation as rotten, and our allies not to be depended on. With regard to our internal fituation, he efteemed it far from being rotten, though the conftitution was certainly affailed by perfons whose activity, if not checked in time, may be likely to endanger it. As to the fidelity of our allies, if it was not now to be relied on, furely Mr. Fox didn ot take the best mode of confirming it, by acknowledging the fovereignty, and entering into negotiations with the new republic of France, their moft inveterate enemy. But fuppofing the policy of fuch negotiation, were we fure that the French would come to any reasonable terms with us? And yet this was the contingency for which we were to renounce our prefent friends, the ancient and established govern

governments in Europe. France had not yet been recognized by any other power. And what was the peculiar time when we were defired to addrefs an ambaffador to them? At the very moment, perhaps, when the mercilefs favages had their hands red with the blood of a murdered fovereign; thus giving fanction to an act which barbarians would condemn, giving currency to the crime of regicide, and affording a preliminary to the murder of our own fovereign. The French republic was fui generis, and bore no analogy to any other which ever existed in the world. It therefore did not follow that we ought to recognize it, merely because different powers in Europe had recognized the republic of England, under Oliver Cromwell. England did not at that time attempt to turn all the states of Christendom into republics it did not wage war with fovereigns; it profefled no principle of profelytifim; and therefore, whatever neighbouring nations might have to expect at that time from her friendfhip, they had nothing to fear for the existence of thrones. The fame might be faid of America. But France wanted to make profelytes to her opinions, and turn every government in the world into a republic. If every government was against her, it was beeaufe he had declared herself hoftile to every government. He knew of nothing to which this ftrange republic could be compared, but to the fyftem of Mahomet, who with the Koran in one hand, and a fword in the other, held out the former to the acceptance of mankind, and with the latter compelled them to adopt it as their creed. The Koran which France held out,

was the declaration of the rights. of man, and univerfal fraternity; and with the fword the was determined to propagate her doctrines, and conquer those whom the could not convince. He by no means wifhed to hurry the nation into a war. He wanted to make the people fee that France had really declared war against them, and that the two ftates might be confidered as actually engaged in it. France had paffed a variety of decrees, every one of which might fairly be confidered as a declaration of war against every government. She had refolved to wage an eternal war against kings and kingly government; and the had actually received Englishmen at the bar of the convention, whom, in contempt of the king and parlia ment, the profeffed to confider as the reprefentatives of the people of England. Was this no provocation? was this no attack upon the government of Great Britain?Mr. Burke now paffed at once into Ireland, and concluded with fome ftrong obfervations on the claims of the Catholics of that kingdom.

Mr. Yorke, after referring to the fpeech of Mr. Burke, as conveying all his fentiments on the fubject before the houfe, fpoke of the oppofition in terms of fevere invective. He allowed them eloquence and talents, but denied that they poffeffed either patriotifm, moderation, or candour. To thefe affertions, Mr. Adam replied, with great fpirit, and then proceeded to combat the reafonings of Mr. Burke. It was fuppofed, he said, by that gentleman, that difregard to property, immortality, and every bad and vicious principle, were necefiary, to attach themselves to

this

this country, if it fhould enter into a negotiation with France. Mr. Adam faid, he confidered such an opinion as a libel upon the good fense and virtue of Englishmen. That he believed them to be too much attached to their conftitution, and to that fyftem of found, juft morality which had been long the eftablished characteristic of this country, to run the risk of any fuch corruption that they heard with horror, and fhuddered at the events which crouded the present hiftory of France that the enjoyment of a free conftitution gave them rights which were dear to them: that befides it gave them the means of being taught and instructed, by men of talents, education, and virtue, in all the different public fituations of life. He faid, that there was a new and most dangerous doctrine taught by Mr. Burke, that fentiment and paffion, not fafety and fecurity, were to operate in national intercourse; and contended, that the latter alone fhould be chief object of every government. He faid, that it was the bounden duty of the governors to use every means to avert the evil of war: but, above all, never to allow paffion to interfere with the important principle of national fafety: that upon this principle, all wife nations had acted at all times: that, during the contest of the red and white rofes, the king de facto, in this country, had been treated with, as well as thofe de jure that the Netherlands, when they threw off the yoke of Spain, as well as the feven united Provinces and Cromwell, had all been treated with. And why? Because that affemblage of men called a nation, whoever or whatever administered their affairs, became

dangerous to neighbouring nations; and therefore the de facto governors were acknowledged, negotiations entered into, and wars averted, by the wife policy of confidering the fafety of the ftate as the fupreme law; not the paflion, or violence, or indignation, or difguft which might actuate. That befides this, if all was done that could be done by negotiating, and nothing refulted, the whole nation would be fatisfied, and with one heart and one voice would encounter their difficulties; and by that bravery and fpirit, the refult of rational freedom, we should maintain the fame for which we had always ftood confpicuous among the nations of the earth.

After Lord Carysfort had made fome pointed obfervations on the conduct of the French, and the claims as well as loyalty of the Catholics of Ireland, Mr. Dundas entered on a defence of himself and his colleagues. He ftated, that a coincidence of circumftances which no human forefight could either forefee or prevent, had confpired to render our immediate interference abfolutely neceffary in fupporting the honour and independence of Britain. There was every reafon to apprehend, that the French meditated an attack on Holland; and if England were to abandon the treaty with Holland, the would lofe at once the refpect hitherto offered to her high character, and be no longer confidered by any other nation as worthy of confidence. He then enlarged on the comparative profperity of this country with that of France, and from the general unanimity and the variety of refources which England poffeffed, he derived the moft flattering hopes, that

if we should be forced into a war, its termination would be honourable and advantageous to the British name and people.

Mr Powys confidered the political intentions declared by Mr. Fox, to be peculiarly baneful to this country; and that his amendment tended to alienate the people from the executive power. Negotiation appeared to him to be impracticable. To whom was an ambaffador to be fent? Who could be fure that they who had profcribed our king, would accept an ambaffador from him. He approved the fpeech and the addrefs: they breathed nothing but the faithful prefervation of our treaties abroad, and the fecurity of our internal peace. If he had his with, he would draw a line round France, to prevent the fpreading of her infection: he would avoid meddling with her; but if the meddled with us, no choice remained for Great Britain.

Mr. Wilberforce faid, that he fhould vote against the amendment, not as being determined for war, but because he believed the amendment would by no means tend to peace. He frankly declared, that as, at all times, war ought to be deprecated as the greatest of human evils; fo there never was a period when it appeared more likely to be injurious to this country than the prefent. He could not feel the force of the arguments for war that might feem to have been fuggefted by what had been faid concerning the diftreffed fituation of the French, and the flourishing state of Great Britain. He preferred to the amendment, the language of the addrefs, which, concurring with the fpeech from the throne, plainly declared, that the Houfe of Com

mens approved of the neutrality his majefty's minifters had hitherto obs ferved, and of their determination to avoid a war, if it were poffible, confiftently with juftice. This, he fully trufted, would be the conduct of adminiftration. If we should find ourselves compelled by the obligations of folemn treaties to engage in war, as men of conscience. and integrity we muft fubmit to the neceflity; but nothing less than this neceflity could juftify the meafure, and he begged it to be underftood, that it was on this ground only that he felt it his duty to fupport government in their prefent meafures.

The amendment was negatived without a divifion.

On the following day, December 15th, after the Houfe had returned from prefenting the addrefs to his majefty, Mr. Fox rofe to make hispromifed motion; by which, he faid, he did not mean to imply any approbation of the conduct of the exifting French government, or of the proceedings which had led to the prefent ftate of things in France. His object was fimply to declare and record his opinion, that it was the true policy of every nation to treat with the exifting government of every other nation with which it had relative interefts, without enquiring or regarding how that government was conftituted, or by what means those who exercited it came into power. This was not only the policy, but frequently the practice. If we objected to the exifting form of government in France, we had as trong objections to the form of government at Algiers; yet at Algiers we had a conful. If we abhorred the crimes committed in France, we equally

abhorred