roe was elected in 1816, against a feeble opposition; 183 Republican electors being chosen, and 34 Federal. The latter gave their votes for Rufus King. After this elec tion, a large number of Federalists, conceiving an organized opposition to the Republican party no longer necessary or expedient, publicly disclaimed any further connection with the Federal party, which, before the next Presidential election, ceased to have an organized existence. Mr. Monroe was reelected in 1820, without opposition, no Federal candidate having been nominated. And as party generally implies the opposition of a part of the community to another part, it is questionable whether even the Republican, perhaps neither party can properly be said to have had existence at that time.

It had been the practice, from the time of the nomination of Mr. Jefferson, of the Republican members of Congress. to meet in caucus while in attendance at the last session before each Presidential election, to nominate candidates. This mode of nomination had become so unpopular, that out of the 216 Republican members, only 68 attended the meeting; of whom 64 voted for William H. Crawford; 2 for John Quincy Adams; 1 for Andrew Jackson; and 1 for Nathaniel Macon. Albert Gallatin received 57 votes as candidate for Vice-President. Mr. Crawford and Mr. Gallatin were declared nominated.

The great body of the Republican electors did not consider themselves bound by this nomination. The Republicans in the Legislatures of the New England States, recommended Mr. Adams; and the friends of Gen. Jackson and Mr. Clay respectively, in the Western States, nominated them also. Thus four candidates, all acknowledged Republicans, were before the people for their suff rages. Of the Presidential electors chosen in November, 99 gave their votes for Gen. Jackson; 84 for Mr. Adams; 41 for Mr. Crawford; and 37 for Mr. Clay. There being no choice by the electors, the election devolved upon the House of Representatives, where the votes are given by States. Mr. Adams received the votes of 13 States; Gen. Jackson of 7; and Mr. Crawford of 4 States. Mr. Adams having the votes of a majority of the States, was elected.

From the foregoing sketch of old parties, it would seem difficult to trace the existence of either to a later period. Attempts have been made, however, to identify modern parties with the old ones. Democrats have founded their claim to popular favor in their pretension to be in the regular line of descent from Jefferson; and have been wont, for party effect, to stigmatize their opponents as Federalists. And among the opponents of the Democratic party are some who have undertaken to establish their connection with the old Republican party, through the National Republican party which supported John Quincy Adams, in 1828, and the late Whig party. In the character and creeds of different parties the most dissimilar, there are some points of coïncidence. This, however, is insufficient to determine the paternity of any party.

But what if the line of succession were thus conclusively established? No man or party is infallible or immutable. Great as was the popularity of Mr. Jefferson and his administration, there were in them some things to be condemned as well as some to be approved. For his advocacy of the equal and inalienable rights of men ; his endeavors to guard the constitutional rights of the people; and many of the measures of his administration, he is entitled to the gratitude of his countrymen, and is worthy of imitation. On the other hand, his secret opposition to Washington; his encouragement of Genet in fitting out privateers in our ports; his patronage, by money and personal influence, bestowed upon presses established to calumniate Washington and his administration; his charging him with being leagued with conspirators against our Government, whose design was to substitute for it one formed after the British model; his nullifying sentiments declared in the Kentucky Resolutions; and some of his measures of public policy, few candid men, at the present day, will presume to defend. Why, then, should men be so anxious about the pedigree of their parties? The validity of the claims of a party to the public confidence and support should be determined, not by the antiquity of its organization, nor by its numerical strength; but by the soundness of its principles and the expediency of its

measures.

PART SECOND.

HISTORY OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY.

CHAPTER I.

Administration of John Quincy Adams.

JOHN QUINCY ADAMS was inducted into the Presidential office on the 4th of March, 1825. Familiar with public affairs, having spent the whole previous period of his manhood in the public business; a Republican, who had supported Mr. Jefferson from the time of the Embargo, and his successors, Madison and Monroe ; immediately succeeding the latter, with whose views, except those on the Constitutional power to make internal improvements, (of which Mr. Monroe had some doubts,) and to the continuance of whose general policy he had pledged himself in his Inau gural Address; it was natural to presume that his administration would be peaceful and prosperous. But scarcely had he been seated in office-not a measure of public policy having been enacted-before he found himself in the midst of a powerful opposition. The chief cause of this early opposition was his appointment of Mr. Clay as Secretary of State.

At the time of the election, Mr. Clay was a member of the House of Representatives. As the election of President was to be made from the three candidates having the three highest numbers of electoral votes, (Mr. Clay not being one of them,) he must participate in the election. Possessing great influence, especially with the Western members, whose votes he could probably control, deep anxiety was felt as to which of the candidates, Adams or Jackson, he would vote for. It was rumored that Mr. Clay

and other Western members were to vote for Mr. Adams, who, in consideration of their support, was to appoint Mr. Clay Secretary of State. The election of the former and the appointment of the latter were considered as evidence of the alleged "bargain." The dissatisfaction among the friends of the defeated candidates, especially those of Gen. Jackson, was very great; and the charge of "corrupt coalition" was rung throughout the Union. And it must be confessed, that the verification of the rumored appointment; Mr. Clay's non-compliance with the request of the Legislature of Kentucky to vote for Gen. Jackson; and certain other circumstances, gave ground for the belief that the election of Mr. Adams and the appointment of Mr. Clay, were the result of a previous agreement. But the united testimony of all the Western members implicated; letters from Gen. La Fayette, (then on a visit to this country,) Mr. Benton, and others, to all of whom Mr. Clay had stated his intention, should an election by the House of Representatives become necessary, to vote for Mr. Adams; the confessions of others who had given countenance to the charge; and two solemn denials by Mr. Adams himself, publicly made since the close of his Presidental term, in one of which he said : "Before you, my fellow-citizens, in the presence of our country and of Heaven, I pronounce that charge totally unfounded;" all these are deemed sufficient to justify the verdict of acquittal which has been rendered by the public judgment.

But, although the charge of corruption has been disproved, the appointment of Mr. Clay after the charge had been made, is one of the numerous indiscretions committed by Mr. Adams during his long public life. It confirmed the suspicion of the alledged bargain, and strengthened the opposition early formed to effect his overthrow.

The determined purpose of the opponents of Mr. Adams, and the nature of the means to be employed for its accomplishment, may be inferred from a declaration of Richard M. Johnson, of Kentucky, made in the presence of Mr. Seaton, one of the Editors of the National Intelligencer, as Mr. Seaton alleged, that "Mr. Adams' administration shall come down, though pure as the angels at the right hand of the throne of God." Col. Johnson, in reply, gave to this

statement no direct and total denial, but disclaimed having used so strong and exceptionable language as that ascribed to him, in expressing his opposition to the new administration. Mr. Seaton, however, reiterated, substantially, his former statement; and his high moral and social standing leaves little doubt of its correctness.

An opposition party was soon formed by the union of the friends of the defeated candidates. Although Gen. Jackson had been peculiarly obnoxious to the friends of Mr. Crawford, having been denounced in the most bitter terms, as a Federalist," whose "doctrines were food and raiment for the Federalists and no-party men," as a "Dictator" in temper and spirit, and fit only to be the chief ruler in an arbitrary government; yet, the parties having a common object, a union was readily formed. Mr. Calhoun, who had just been elected Vice-President, having many friends, these also joined the opposition. The great object to "overthrow the administration"-is thus alluded to in a certain letter published in the opposition papers: "To the friends of Jackson and Crawford, those of Mr. Calhoun are added; and the union forms such a force of numbers, talents, and influence, that it seems improbable that this can be effectively met by Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay and their friends, aided by their united experience, ability, patronage, and official advantages, great as they are. Men are so very sincere in their dislikes, that the most opposite natures will coalesce to diminish the power of an object of a higher common aversion, and will surrender the strongest personal competition to unite for mutual safety."

To effect the "chief end" of this combination, every act or measure of the administration which could, by misrepre sentation or distortion, be turned to the advantage of the opposition, was seized upon for this purpose. Several im

portant measures suggested in Mr. Adams' first annual Message, were made to give way to numerous propositions for "retrenchment and reform," which were introduced for political effect.

Mr. Benton, who seems to have acted a prominent part in these early assaults upon the administration, introduced a proposition to amend the Constitution; the object of