Mr. Adams now arose amid great confusion, and interrupted the Clerk; and order was restored. "It was not my intention," said he, "to take any part in these extraordinary proceedings. I had hoped that this House would succeed in organizing itself; that a Speaker and Clerk would be elected, and that the ordinary business of legislation would be allowed to commence. This is not the time nor place to discuss the merits of the conflicting claimants for seats from New Jersey; that subject belongs to the House of Representatives, which, by the Constitution, is made the ultimate arbiter of the qualifications of its members. But what a spectacle do we here present? We degrade and disgrace ourselves, our constituents, and the country. We do not, can not organize; and why? Because the Clerk of this House; the mere Clerk, whom we create, whom we employ, and whose existence depends on our will, usurps the throne, and sets us, the representatives, the vicegerents of the whole American people, at defiance, and holds us in contempt. And what is this Clerk of yours? Is he to control the destinies of sixteen millions of freemen? Is he to suspend, by his mere negative, the functions of government, and put an end to this Congress? He refuses to call the roll. It is in your power to compel him to call it if he will not do it voluntarily. [Here he was interrupted with a statement that the Clerk would resign, rather than to call New Jersey.] Well, then, let him resign; and we may possibly discover some way by which we may get along without the aid of his powerful talent, learning, and genius. If we can not organize in any other way, if this Clerk of yours will not consent to our discharging the trusts confided to us by our constituents, then let us imitate the example of Virginia in the House of Burgesses, which, when Dinwiddie ordered it to disperse refused to obey the insulting mandate."

He then moved that the Clerk proceed with the calling of the roll, who again refused to entertain the motion. Several members inquired how the question should be put. Mr. A. replied that he intended to put it himself. Mr. Rhett, of S. C., then moved that Mr. Adams be appointed temporary Chairman. Mr. R. himself put the question, which was carried; and Mr. Adams took the chair. Having

decided that of the members from the State of New Jersey only those who held commissions in conformity with the laws of the State were entitled to vote, Mr. Vanderpoel, of N. Y., appealed from the decision of the Chair; and after a debate of several days, the decision was negatived, (December 10th,) 114 to 108. The next day Mr. Naylor and Mr. Ingersoll, of Pa., were both denied the right to vote.

Passing over several days' proceedings, we come to the election of Speaker, on the 14th of December. The vote was taken viva voce. Mr. Adams' name having been called, he answered: "Reserving all my rights of objecting hereafter to this election as unconstitutional and illegal, I vote for John Bell." Other Whig members also voted under protest. John W Jones, of Va., received the Democratic votes, 113; Mr. Bell, 102; scattering 20. Five more ballots were taken on that day. On the 16th, the balloting was resumed; and five more. ballots were taken; when R. M. T. Hunter, of Va., was, on the 11th ballot, elected Speaker, having received 119 votes; and Mr. Jones, 55. Mr. Hunter had been a Jackson man, but now acted with the Whigs, but was in favor of the Sub-Treasury. A Clerk was chosen on the 21st; and on the 24th, the President's Message was delivered.

The Committee on elections reported on the 5th of March in favor of the five administration members. Representatives were then elected in New Jersey by general ticket. Further proceedings were had in relation to this subject, extending to the 16th of July.

It is questionable whether the history of legislation in this country furnishes many instances of proceedings so dishonorable and unprincipled as those sketched in the preceding pages. Every member who voted against the admission of those who presented legal certificates of elec tion, knew that he acted in violation of a rule established by long usage, and sanctioned by reason and common sense. But it was resolved to force upon the people that darling financial scheme which had been twice rejectedthe sub-treasury; and without the votes of these contesting Democrats, another defeat was anticipated. Having secured a majority, the Independent Treasury was estab lished at the same session.

A Presidential election was at hand. Gen. Wm. H. Harrison had been nominated by a Whig National Convention at Harrisburg, in December, 1839; and John Tyler for Vice-President.

The Democratic Convention, which met at Baltimore in May, 1840, had nominated Mr. Van Buren for reëlection. No candidate for Vice-President was nominated by the Convention.

The Abolitionists, who had hitherto voted according to their former party attachments, now had candidates of their own-James G. Birney for President; and Francis J. Lamoyne for Vice-President.

The

The canvass of 1840 was unusually spirited. general depression in money and business affairs, ascribed to the interference of the Government with the currency, continued in full force. The Bank of the United States had been destroyed; and, notwithstanding its capital continued to be employed under a charter from the State of Pennsylvania, State bank capital had been tripled or quadrupled. The paper of some of these banks was greatly depreciated; that of others had become worthless. In Mississippi, there was, in 1830, besides the branch of the United States Bank, but one chartered bank, with a capital of less than one million of dollars; in 1838, the chartered bank capital of that State had reached upward of sixty millions. The excessive issue of bank paper had been followed by its natural result, the suspension of specie payments, which still continued in some States, especially the Western and South-Western. And where specie payments had been resumed, banks were obliged to restrict their issues.

The prevailing public distress was attributable in great part, to the operation of the Compromise Tariff of 1833, which had now almost reached its lowest rates of duties and for the want of adequate protection, many branches of manufactures had either greatly declined or been abandoned; and vast numbers of laborers had been thrown out of employment. These and other causes had wrought a great change in the popular mind. Many, believing a change of administration could not be for the worse, were disposed to try the experiment.

The Whig candidates, Harrison and Tyler, received of the electoral votes 234. Mr. Van Buren received 60 ; and Richard M. Johnson, for Vice-President, received 48.

CHAPTER V.

Administration of Presidents Harrison and Tyler.

GEN. HARRISON was inaugurated as President on the 4th of March, 1841.

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His Inaugural Address was a long one, and embraced many topics. It was, he said, a defect of the Constitution that it does not prohibit the reelection of a President. This defect might be corrected by his refusing to serve a second term. Being, by fair construction, no part of the Legislative power, he ought to use the veto sparingly. His power as the sole distributor of all the patronage of the Government,” and his assumption of the power to control the public finances, were dangerous. He rejected the idea of an exclusive metallic currency. He deprecated the agitation of the question of Slavery. And among other things, he expressed "a profound reverence for the Christian religion, and a thorough conviction that sound morals, religious liberty, and a just sense of religious responsibility, are essentially connected with all true and lasting happiness."

The state of the currency and the finances being such as seemed to require immediate attention, he issued a proclamation on the 17th of March, convening Congress on the last Monday (31st) of May. He was soon taken ill, and within eight days, died on the 4th of April, at the Executive mansion in the city of Washington. By virtue of a provision of the Constitution to that effect, John Tyler became the President of the United States.

Mr. Tyler's Inaugural was short. In regard to foreign nations, his policy would be both to render and demand justice. He pledged himself to "a complete separation between the sword and the purse." He would not remove faithful and honest officers, except for giving their official influences to the purposes of party. He would observe a rigid economy