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were hired to prevent meetings; to avoid brib- readily used to avoid bribery laws. Opinery, rooms were rented for a week or two for ions might differ as to the nature of the exguests that were never to come; men were penditures to be forbidden; but whenever a hired by the dozen at enormous wages to erect practice, innocent in itself, becomes a cover campaign polls, and other squads of “floaters” for crime, expenditure of campaign money were hired at equally munificent rates to guard for it should be forbidden. Under this head them; that is, to remain in the nearest public in England come expenditures for torch-light house, and to look toward them a few times a processions and parades, bands of music, payday. Wives of needed voters were hired to ment for carriages or horses to bring voters make banners and uniforms, and their chil- to the polls, payment of railway fares, expendren to carry torches. Probably no imagin- ditures for flags, cockades, ribbons, or other able method of corruption was overlooked. marks of distinction, etc. Some of these methAnd yet their law is said to have practically ods of conducting a campaign may arouse enended the corruption, only here and there a thusiasm ; but they can hardly be said to be vote being purchased now.
educative, and politicians say that processions, The English parliamentary elections are music, even campaign speeches, affect few much simpler than ours, as only the one office votes. If one party has them, the other must; is to be filled, so that their law would need but excepting the speeches, all might be formuch modification for adoption here. It may bidden with no harm to the voter, though I be, too, that some of its features would not be question if we have in the country a legislature well adapted to our country, either because bold enough to pass such a bill. poorly suited to our people, or because we could Many people defend the practice of bringnot hope to secure their enactment. law ing voters to the polls in carriages at the exmight be passed, however, were there a strong pense of the party, paying railway fares of those desire for reform, that might do much good. temporarily absent from home, etc. It is said The following provisions are suggested: that many a cripple, or poor man living at a
Let the amount that can be expended for distance, would otherwise be deprived of his each candidate on the ticket be strictly limited; vote; that the students in colleges, traveling a certain small sum for a ward or town office, salesmen, and others could often not afford to a larger sum for a county office, and a still come home at election time, and that they larger for a congressional or State office, etc. would thus be disfranchised. So far as the matThe amounts should be liberal for all legitimate ter concerns the crippled and infirm, while hired needs, and might be graded more or less by carriages do bring them to the polls, the carthe number of voters, the size of the district, etc. riages are not hired especially on their account, Each candidate should be permitted to pay but rather for the sake of the owners and drionly his own personal expenses, for traveling, vers, and that of the lazy and careless voters, postage, etc. These sums should be limited, whose votes are worse than useless to the and he should be compelled to account under country. The infirm, were no carriages hired oath for every cent so expended. The rest of by the committees, would hire carriages for his contribution should go to his committee themselves or be brought by public-spirited or manager. Every candidate representing a friends. As for the other classes, the trouble party should be compelled to have his cam- of bringing themselves to the polls would make paign managed by his party committee. All their ballot of more value than it now is, and the regular expenditures, except the personal would make the right more highly appreciated. ones mentioned above, should be made by the If they are to be aided at all, - a practice that treasurer of the committee, and he should make seems to me undesirable, — it should be at the a sworn, itemized return of every penny that public expense, not at that of the candidate. comes into his hands. An independent candi- No thoughtful, honest voter casts his vote as date should select a manager who, under like a favor to any man or party; he votes for his conditions of accountability, should manage his country's good. canvass. The number of workers under pay This practice of paying for such expendiat the polls on election day should be strictly tures has led very many of our farmers to feel limited, and the amount of their compensation that they should receive pay for their time, prescribed. The English law does not permit and that of their men, on election day, and the agents at the polls to vote. If their num- has led college students to feel that they may ber is limited, however, I do not see the neces- honorably receive their expenses home. Why? sity for disfranchisement. Of course all bribery, They feel that they are voting for the good of promises of offices, etc., treating, and all such the candidate. Why should he not pay them practices, should be forbidden, as well as ex- their necessary expenses ? But no man can penditures for certain purposes that, though in- take such expenses, and thereafter cast an innocent, are really unnecessary, and which are dependent ballot. We ought not to blind voters to the real significance of the ballot. I probably normally Democratic. The Repubthink it very doubtful if a law could be en- licans, too, for several years, in the general acted here at present forbidding such expen- opinion, have been able to raise money more ditures; I have no doubt that, in connection easily than the Democrats. Men standing high with other laws, it would be desirable. in the councils of the Republican party have
But to the provisions mentioned should be said to me that the greatest blow that the Readded the measure that has proved in Eng- publican party in New York had received for land perhaps the most advantageous of all, the many years was the present ballot-reform law. one recommended by Governor Hill in his an- And yet, with the legislature Democratic in nual message of 1890. By this law any success- both branches, and with a Democratic goverful candidate against whom can be proved a nor, no attempt has been made to extend the charge of bribery or of a corrupt practice, either election laws in this direction, although Goveron his own part or on that of his party man- nor Hill recommended repeatedly — sincerely, agers, may be deprived of his seat by a writ his friends say; insincerely, say his enemiesof quo warranto, and his competitor, who brings such extension, along the lines of the best experithe suit, may take the seat in his stead, un- ence of Europe. What is the explanation of this less the defendant shows that the petitioner neglect? The Democratic leaders say that pubalso has been guilty of bribery, either through lic opinion is not with them. By public opinion, himself or his committee. This act, as a rule, of course, they include the opinion of the “floatmakes it more advantageous, especially for ers” as well as of all of their own party managers. the weaker candidate, to be honest than to be The leading Democrats, those high in the counguilty of bribery; and, as experience in Eng- cils of the party, the leading machine politiland and Canada has shown, self-interest in cians, would doubtless be glad to see the practice this way works better results than honest in- stopped, but the ward“ heelers,” those who have tentions merely. With this act it seems to me the money to handle, and who make good prothat we might be able to go further in accor- fits by handling the money, would be opposed dance with the spirit of our institutions, and, to the stopping of the practice. in fact,- not merely in the statutes, as we So, again, most of the “floaters” would be sometimes do now,-- disfranchise for a longer unwilling to see the practice stopped. The party or shorter period any man found guilty of brib- managers cannot carry out the act unless pubery or corrupt practice, either as giver or re- lic opinion is so strong in its favor that they can ceiver. The fundamental principle upon which afford to alienate more than merely a large porall democratic government is founded is that tion of the “floaters.” They cannot afford to do of personal responsibility. The true basis of it until the pressure of public opinion is strong suffrage is not property, or education, but per- enough to gain them by their act as many votes sonality. When one has lost this by failing to as they would lose by alienating the lower class exercise his independent right to a vote, through of their party workers. County managers say yielding his principles to the will of another, he that the men who handle their money regumight well be deprived of his right to vote. Cer- larly keep out good pay for themselves, twenty tainly a candidate for office, unseated because or thirty dollars at least, on election day, when of bribery, should be disfranchised, as by the much money is paid. It is the opinion of more English law.
than one that two thirds of these "buyers" could A system of proportional representatives, or readily be bought for no great sum, being in a law providing that all nominations, whether party fealty little above the “floater" proper. I first made in convention or not, must be made know of one in the West, who, in 1890, offered by petitions, and all candidates be given an for $200 to use his influence in his own party equal chance of prominence on the ballots, for the candidate for county clerk of the oppowould tend to weaken the influence of the site party, the money to be paid on condition “ machine." Any law that tends to make the of the success of the candidate. It was feared prizes for corruption less will be likely to have that he was seeking to get evidence against the a good influence. But back of all these laws candidate, and no bargain was made. must be a favorable public opinion. At the pres- In 1890, in Ohio, an expert workman in one ent time in New York State, according to all of the rolling-mills in the interior of the State appearances, no law would be more beneficial was hired by the candidate for Congress, a man to the Democratic party than one that in real- since given a high executive office, to aid him ity established purity of elections. The Demo- in his campaign. He was first given $400; then, cratic managers concede that the Republicans for election day, $1000 more. After election have the advantage in vote-buying, because, he had $800 of it retained, on which capital he, as they say, “ We have to buy not merely Re- within a few weeks, started a saloon. The head publican votes, but our own as well.” By far roller in the same establishment, a man earnthe larger portion of the purchasable vote is ing from fifteen to twenty dollars a day, was offered twice his wages for two weeks' work in more than the written constitution, the names electioneering for the same candidate, but he of the officers, the dates of election, and other declined. These men, of course, were expected such facts as are taught in our text-books on civil to influence the labor vote in the trades-unions, government. The civil government that will but the first one kept a large part of the money help our children to get ideas which later will given him, and doubtless could have been be of practical use in politics is that which bought by the opposition.
shows the principles of party government, the The opinion of many of our most intelligent methods of making nominations, of carrying classes is in favor of reform, though the mea- elections, of making appointments to offices, sures of reform that they advocate may be some- and all the other details of our political life as times unpractical, as the politicians charge; but it in fact is managed, together with the facts there is as yet no popular demand on the part of history and political science which show of the great mass of voters for this reform. Pub- that, however valuable in carrying single eleclic opinion must be created, and here is the tions, and advancing local interests, dishonest work for the reformers. We need the old Cob- political scheming may be, in the long run the den cry," Agitate, agitate, agitate!” Public in- interests of states, as of individuals, are furterest, perhaps, can best be achieved by letting thered by honest principles; that great public the people know through papers, periodicals, questions are not settled till they are settled and books what is really done. This is by no right, because “the power in men that makes means generally comprehended. And then, for righteousness" is, after all, when men's too, must be shown the evils that come from eyes are opened, the dominant one. these practices.
Lombroso, in his great work on criminals, So, again, as public opinion is slow to move, has well said that each state has the criminals it may well be worth while to have the prin- that it deserves. , So, too, in a much truer ciples of rational, honest politics taught in sense, may it be said that each state has the our schools and colleges to a greater extent laws, the institutions, the benefits, the evils than is at present done. We hear much talk that it deserves. Many of our best citizens, in school conventions of “teaching patriotism.” considered by themselves, are unjustly treated But how is it to be taught? The practice of in our corrupt election practices; but taking cheering the flag, of learning the biographies our people as a whole, they have what they of some of our leading statesmen, or of learn- wish, though the wishing may be ignorant. ing to believe, without knowing why, that our When we, by the means suggested, have so encountry is the strongest and best on earth, will lightened our public that they demand improve have little effect toward remedying our presentments in these methods, the improvements will political evils. Civil government is something come, and that in a way to be effective.
Jeremiah W. Jenks.
TOPICS OF THE TIME.
Money in Elections.
contents. In some sections of the State the number
of purchasable voters enrolled on these books is said to HE Cornell University, on the corrupt of
What New York is, a or less in elections, is in many ways one of the most notable degree, true of nearly every other State of the Union contributions yet made to the discussion of this im- in which the strength of the two great parties is evenly portant subject. It does not deal in generalities, but balanced. In Rhode Island, for example, where money gives in specific form an amount of detailed information has been used corruptly in every election since the as to the ways in which money is used improperly war, and in some before and during the war, there are which will startle persons who are not familiar with known to be about 5000 purchasable voters in a total the mechanism of what is called“ practical politics." of 54,000, or nearly ten per cent of the whole number. Yet every one who is familiar with that mechanism These are distributed over the State, ranging from must admit that all that Professor Jenks sets forth is ten in the smaller towns to 1000 in the cities; but in true in every particular. The poll-books, which he every case their names and individual prices are maidescribes as being used by the campaign committees ters of record. In one town, according to a careful throughout the rural districts of New York State for analysis of the record by the “ Providence Journal," the purpose of keeping track of the purchasable whose figures we are quoting, all but ten of the total voters, are very well known to all persons who inter- registered voters were set down as purchasable. Prices est themselves in politics at all. Indeed, the use of them range from $2 to $5 a head, according to the demand. has so hardened the consciences of the practical politi- It is worse than useless for the American people to cians that they make little or no concealment of their shut their eyes to the existence of this evil, or to imagine that it will cure itself in time. It must be met in this method the briber is able to get positive proof that this country, as it has been met in England and other the bribed voter has kept his bargain. This practice countries, with restrictive and prohibitive measures of would be broken up by the requirement of strict acthe most comprehensive and stringent character. Bad countability for every penny expended. Like all the as our condition is, Professor Jenks is quite correct in other evils, it exists only because of a kind of dullness saying it is not so bad as that of England was before the of the public conscience, which, while it may not exactly enactment of its Corrupt Practices Act in 1883. Our condone bribery in elections, is not equal to the exerbribery methods are in some respects different from tion of declaring that it will no longer be tolerated. what the English were, and are less open and less gen. Professor Jenks's words on this question of public reeral, but they are all as easily reached by law as theirs sponsibility are strong and to the point, and we commend were found to be.
them to the serious consideration of our readers. Pub. In all American efforts to meet the evil by legislation lic opinion is king in the United States, and it must the mistake has been made of trying to accomplish the bear the responsibility of all the sins which its own end in a brief and more or less general statute. The supineness or indifference permits corrupt politicians authors of the various bills, while drawing their ideas to commit. mainly from the English act, have been afraid to imitate its great length and minuteness lest their measures What the Columbian Exhibition will do for America. be condemned as “ too complex” and “ too cumbersome" for the simple needs of free American election The fact which most strongly impressed all visitors methods. When ballot reform was first discussed, the to the international exhibition at Paris in 1889 was its opponents of it raised the same cry against the bills artistic character. Far beyond any of its predecessors which its advocates prepared, and sought to have sub. in any land as a triumph of industry and a triumph of stituted for them measures of their own invention which science, it was still more remarkable as a triumph of were said to be simple and direct. Experience has beauty. To perceive this fact, one did not need to enter shown, however, that in practice the simple and direct the vast and stately palace filled with pictures and laws have all been failures, while those condemned as statues which showed the current work of all civilized complicated have succeeded so perfectly as to furnish countries, and, as in a splendid historical panorama, the accepted model of all subsequent ones. This lesson France's own work for a century past. Nor did one ought to be of use to us in preparing our corrupt prac. need to examine the buildings, or to study the sculptices laws. It is true that the English act is long, but tured decorations with which buildings and grounds it is also true that it was so completely successful from were lavishly adorned. The most impressive, the most the moment of its application to an election that it beautiful thing at the Paris Exposition was the concepabolished corruption and bribery at a single blow. The tion of the exhibition as a whole: the choice and arminuteness of the law covered every form of corruption rangement and planting of the site, the placing of the so surely that its practice without detection was found buildings, their design considered as factors in a great to be impossible. Any law which fails to do this is too coherent yet diversified scheme, and the way in which short, no matter what its length. The English act, as all individual factors worked together toward a magone of its ablest commentators, Mr. Henry Hobhouse, nificently harmonious general effect. It was the gensays, “ is pervaded by two principles: the first is to eral effect of this exhibition — the fine combining of its strike hard and home at corrupt practices; the second architectural, sculptural, and natural features - which is to prohibit, by positive legislation, any expenditure gave it unique importance as an artistic spectacle. in the conduct of an election which is not absolutely All Americans who saw it must have said: “Only in necessary.” Both these principles were embodied in Paris could such a result be achieved. Only the most arthe act with such thoroughness that bribery disappeared tistic nation in the world could have achieved it; and instantly from English elections, never to return. even this nation could not if its artistic powers had been
We can accomplish the same purification in this coun- unorganized, uncontrolled. France possesses a far larger try, whenever public opinion reaches the point at which number of great artists than any other land. These it is demanded. We must, as Professor Jenks points artists have been trained in the same schools, are in. out, limit the expenditures in every instance, grading spired by the same practical and esthetic ideals, and the maximum sum according to the office, and must are used to working together, and to working under require the sworn return of every penny received or ex- official control; and this exhibition is an official, Gov. pended, either by the candidate, or his agent, or his ernment enterprise. Under such conditions such succampaign committee. On every point the law must be cess was possible; under other conditions it would be drawn with such minuteness and clearness that evasion impossible. Under American conditions how could we or violation will be impossible without detection and hope to see it even remotely approached ? How can punishment. Then, too“ assessments "upon candidates hope soon to see in America anything very different must be forbidden, and voluntary contributions from from what we saw at Philadelphia in 1876: a big inthem must be limited, and the uses made of money strictly dustrial show, a triumph of commercialism and applied accounted for; every loophole of escape from the pub- science, an exaltation of material wealth, where beauty lication of every penny expended must be closed and existed only in certain collections almost altogether barred. That is the strength which makes the length of drawn from foreign sources, and where the desire for the English statute, and we must have the sense as well beauty, when it could be elsewhere divined, had been as the courage to imitate it.
stunted by crude ignorance, limited by economy or One new evil has sprung up here recently which deformed by the love of mere display, and stultified Professor Jenks does not mention, and that is the hiring by the lack of any common ideal and the absence of of registered voters to remain away from the polls. By any general scheme of arrangement and design ? We
Vol. XLIV.- 124.
are not nearly so artistic a people as the French,” exhibition, and has shown that it will be beautiful be. we said to ourselves in Paris. Such artistic power cause those who are making it are working together in as we do possess is largely untrained, and such trained a brotherly spirit, according to a wise and well-defined talents as we have are accustomed to work indepen- artistic scheme, and with a distinct and lofty general dently and along different paths. Whatever we may do ideal in their minds. He has shown that an associacica will be done by unorganized public, not by organized of practical American business men, securing funds for official, effort; and so we can never have an exhibition the most part by their own efforts, and employing a which, as a whole, will approach the beauty of this band of artists hitherto accustomed to work in entire one, or be half so useful in teaching how artistic tal- independence of one another, will create an exhibition ents of various kinds may best be utilized.”
similar in interest, as a homogeneous artistic spectacle, We said this in Paris, and, a year or so later, when to the one created by the Government of the most artisthe Columbian Exhibition of 1893 was decided upon, tic nation in the world, exerting unlimited powers, an ) we said it again, and perhaps more emphatically, in employing a corps of artists accustomed from thei: the belief that such an enterprise would be less well earliest student days to tread in the same paths and to carried out in a Western city than it might have been work hand in hand. in Washington, as a Government enterprise, or in New But there is even more than this to be said. We coYork, the center of the artistic life of our continent. fidently assert, on the evidence of all the most exAs the city of Chicago would appear to the eyes of perienced judges of art whom it has been possible for B the world is, for artistic importance, it were compared to consult, that the Chicago Exhibition will far surpass with the city of Paris, nearly so, all Americans feared, even the Paris one of 1889 when considered in its enmight the artistic importance of the Chicago Exhibi- tirety and for its artistic interest. A much more beaution contrast with that of the last Paris Exhibition. tiful, scholarly, and monumental type of architecture Artistic capabilities, we knew, had vastly developed has been adopted for its main buildings; accessory in our country since 1876. But our people, we works of an ornamental kind will be more numerots, thought, still did not rightly feel the difference be- more imposing, and more original, while at least equally tween skill and ineptitude, between beauty and ugli- artistic in character; greater care is being taken the ness, and still did not rightly value skill and beauty harmony of effect shall not be injured by the aspect of even when it recognized them. And still there was no minor works of utility or decoration; and the neighlikelihood that the many hands which would have to borhood of the great lake, and the novel and skilful plan and build the exhibition would agree upon any way in which wide expanses of water and varied pisescheme of arrangement and treatment broad and firm tations have been made the basis of the plan of the enough to secure that fundamental harmony between grounds themselves, will much more than compensar part and part without which dignity, beauty, and im. for the absence of a rushing river like the Seine and pressiveness of general aspect could not be secured, a dominating hill like the Trocadéro. The Eiffel Tower and without which even the possible excellence of in- is a marvelous, an interesting, and hardly an ugly strucdividual features would fail of its right effect. The ture; but it is not an artistic structure. It did not convery progress we had made in art during the past fif.flict with its surroundings at Paris. But anything reteen years seemed to make a harmonious exhibition sembling it -- anything remarkable chiefly for size or improbable, for it had been progress along many di- for mechanical ingenuity — would look painfully out verging paths, and had meant rather the accentuation of place on the Chicago grounds. This fact suffices to of artistic individuality than a growing concord in prove their higher degree of beauty; and the fact thai taste. Chicago, we thought, might show us some no conspicuous structure appealing in any way to miere buildings and some collections much more beautiful curiosity, or to the love of the new or the marveloss, than any we had seen in Philadelphia, but it would has been contemplated by the authorities at Chicago, not show us a beautiful exhibition. The commercial, proves how seriously and wisely artistic a spirit is conutilitarian side of American endeavor might not be so trolling the great enterprise. crudely set forth as in 1876; but at best we could ex- Those who fail to see the exhibition of 1893 will f2 pect only a carnival of conflicting individual efforts, to see the most beautiful spectacle which has been of where art, pseudo-art, frank utilitarianism, and a child- fered to the eyes of our generation. But those who ish or a vulgar love of display would meet and strug- have time to see only its general aspect, without startgle together.
ing any of its collections — wonderfully interesting Such anticipations as these were universal two years though these will be — will have seen the very tes ago. We need not explain how radically mistaken they of it. have already been proved. Mr. Van Brunt has told When we remember what a great impulse was given our readers how the great exhibition of 1893 was or- to the popular love of art by the collections shown a ganized and how its site was selected-or, more truly, the exhibition of 1876, what may we not expect as a how the place for its site was chosen and then the site result of the stately, beautiful, and truly poetic pacitself was almost literally created. He has told how rama of art that will be unrolled before the eyes of the architects of proven ability from various parts of the nation in 1893? It will show for the first time, to serve country were intrusted with the chief buildings, and of thousands of Americans who have never travek how these architects consulted with each other and with abroad and can scarcely hope to do so, what is the the landscape architects as regarded the placing and meaning of the word beauty, what is the significan the designing of their works. And he has described of the word art. It will convince them, as formas some of the buildings in detail, and has hinted at the else but long and intelligent foreign travel could. etas harmonious grandeur and beauty of their general effect. beauty is an enjoyable thing, that art is a thing wordt He has shown that we are to have a very beautiful striving for and paying for. Indeed, no amount of tor