peace between the citizens of different states, by extending a common rule to all who are likely to have relations with each other, in a case where a common rule is of the greatest importance. It will give relief to the unfortunate; restore them to society, and to usefulness, and teach them to look with affection and gratitude to the government of their country-It will place your merchants upon a footing of equality with foreigners, while even to foreigners it will do equal justice-It will give greater security to the revenue; and it will have a tendency to perpetuate the blessings of this union, by extending the hand of constitutional authority with parental power, but with parental tenderness too, throughout every part of the nation.

And at whose expense will all this good be done?, I answer, unhesitatingly, at the expense of no one. Gentlemen have indeed told us, that creditors may be in distress as well as debtors, and the Speaker has indulged himself in sketching for us a picture of the misery that may be brought into the family of a creditor by the failure of a debtor. It may happen, that is certainly true. What then? You cannot relieve the creditor, nothing would be relief to him but the payment of his debt, and that you cannot pay if you could, you would effectually relieve both debtor and creditor. The debtor you can relievebut, as you cannot give relief to both, according to this argument, you will give relief to neither. Because the misfortune of one (more or less as it may happen to be) is inevitable and incurable, therefore you will not administer the aid you can give to the extreme misery of the other. Because you are not certain that you can do all possible or conceivable good, you will do none at all. Is this wise, or humane, or just? It is of the same class with another objection that has been made, and amounts to this, that if we cannot relieve all debtors, of every description, we ought not to relieve any.

Is the bill perfect, or is it even such that any one would

can be devised? It has been fully If there be those

undertake to pronounce that no better Assuredly we need not insist that it is. and deliberately and carefully examined. among us who think some bankrupt law may be made, let them now join us to make it. Here is the basis. How else can we answer to our fellow citizens who are praying for such a law? Let us not turn a deaf ear to their complaints, nor repel them with a cold suggestion, that we have not yet devised a perfect system. They will be satisfied with the bill on the table, much better at any rate than with such an answer.

And the unfortunate who now stand in need of its relief, what shall we say to them? They are waiting in anxious and trembling expectation, their eyes turned towards you with an intensely carnest and imploring look. If that bill pass, imperfect as you may deem it to be, their suspense will terminate in tears of joy and gratitude. Many a glad heart will you make, now weighed down with sorrow.

We will say to them, be patient, be patient-stay till we make a perfect system, till we devise something which the wit of man never yet devised. We, who are here entirely at our ease, enjoying in abundance the good things of the world-we will counsel them to be patient. They will answer us, that they are suffering every moment, in daily want of the necessary comforts of life, without freedom to exert their industry, and. without even the consolation of hope to cheer them on their way-" the flesh will quiver where the pincer tears." We will still coolly council them to be patient. But remember, that the sand in the glass is all this time rapidly running down-with some of them, it will soon be empty. Then, yes, then, without our aid, they will obtain a discharge, which we, nor no human power can prevent-an effectual discharge. The cold clod will not press more heavily on the debtor than on the creditor; the breath of heaven over the silent depository in which he lies will be as sweet, and the verdure be as quick

and fragrant. But till that moment arrives, the unfortunate man is doomed to feel the incumbent weight of the institutions of society. Let us think of the present generation; of the men that live, and let us do something for their welfare and happiness. Let us, I repeat it, begin; for the sake of humanity and justice, let us begin.

My strength is exhausted, and I must conclude. Yet 1 scarcely know how to leave this part of the subject, when I think what deep disappointment will follow the failure of the bill.

Sir, I am as ambitious as people in general are, and I believe not more so. I feel unaffected pleasure in possessing the confidence of those amongst whom I live, second only to the desire to deserve it. I will not deny that I am even fond of what is called popularity. But if the choice were presented, and it be not presumptuous to suppose it-I can say sincerely, there is no honour this country can confer, which I would not cheerfully forego, to be instrumental in giving the relief intended by this bill.

SPEECH,

ON RETRENCHMENT AND REFORM, DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES, FEBRUARY, 2ND, 1828.

In the session of 1827-8, Mr. Chilton, of Kentucky, offered a series of resolutions on the subject of retrenchment, in the House of Representatives, which, after a long and animated discussion, in the course of which this speech was delivered, with some modification were finally adopted. The whole subject of the proposed retrenchment of the expenses of the General Government, was ultimately referred to a select committee, composed of Messrs. Hamilton, Cambreleng, Rives, Ingham, Sergeant, and Everett.

MR. SERGEANT said he should be sorry to have it known how much difficulty he had had, to overcome the repugnance he felt to make any demand upon the time and attention of the House in this debate. If known to others, to the extent he had felt it himself, he was afraid it would be deemed an absolute weakness. He had been for some time, he said, out of the House. Great changes had taken place in its composition during that period. There were many members to whom he was a stranger. It seemed to him, also, that there was a change in the kind of demand they made on each other. Nothing appeared to him likely to engage the attention of the house-judging from what he had witnessed, unless it was piquant, highly seasoned, and pointed with individual and personal allusion. For this he was neither prepared nor qualified. He would take up as he could, would avoid

little time as possible, and, as far as all topics that were likely to irritate or inflame. He would not here treat of the great question which agitates the people

of this nation, and upon which, as one of the people, he had a decided opinion. If touched at all, it would be incidentally, as the natural consequence of remarks upon the subject before the House, and of the facts he should have to state, and not as a principal point.

It was one thing, he said, to offer a resolution like that under consideration, and another to vote upon it after it had been offered. The gentleman from Kentucky, he hoped, would consider him as speaking with entire respect for his motives and views. But, for himself, he must say, that he (Mr. S.) would not have offered the resolution; yet, being brought forward, he would not vote to lay it upon the table, nor to make any other disposition of it that would prevent the proposed inquiry from having a full discussion and a free course. The reasons for both these conclusions appeared to him to be perfectly satisfactory.

He would not, he said, have proposed such a resolution, because he thought it must be unavailing. It was too extensive for any practical purpose-it aimed at too much. It embraced the whole business of congress. It was our duty, he said, to take care that the public affairs were carried on in the most profitable manner for the people, and with the least public burthen. And this was not peculiarly the duty of congress at any one time, but at all times. It was the great end and object of our labours and our care, and ought to be of daily application by all of us. He thought it too much to devolve upon a single committee the whole of that which was the common concern and care of congress.

He thought it unnecessary. Every inquiry proposed by this resolution, was already provided for, in accordance with the duty of the house, by the appointment of committees, to give effect to the great guards of the constitution within their respective spheres. No money can be drawn from the treasury, but in pursuance of appropriations made by law. No officer can be appointed but under the autho