savings banks and trust companies, of the former of which several had failed during the year. He wisely contends that savings institutions are not safe depositories when used as banks of discount, and urges that they be separated by law. He endorses the postal saving scheme as follows: "A movement is on foot to organize national postal savings fund. Such a scheme is a subject for serious reflection. It involves not alone questions of a pecuniary nature, but those of a profound political character. It invests the Federal government with a vast trust, and clothes it with corresponding influence. It would add intense interest to our elections, and give the dominant party the weight of the conservatism of a great vested interest. On the other hand it offers the people the securest depository for their savings, and excites an abiding interest in the perpetuity and integrity of the national government. Upon the whole, it seems to me to promise enduring benefits to the people individually and to the nation, and to be worthy of support and co-operation."

During this administrative year Governor Hartranft was put to the severest test of his whole military and civil career in the task of quelling the terrible railroad riots that, like an electrical tempest, swept all over the country, showing a common and deep-seated cause. This popular commotion found the Governor on the way to the Pacific in company with some friends. Having, however, efficient subordinates in Secretary Quay and Adjutant General Latta, he was able to direct movements immediately on being apprised of the outbreak. In ordering out the whole military power of the State at once, and appealing to the Federal government also for help (the latter probably unnecessary), he met the trouble as Washington did the whiskey insurrection-frightened the rioters at the outstart. The result proved the wisdom of the measures adopted, and it is worthy of remark that after the Governor arrived on the scene of disorder scarcely a life was sacrificed either on the part of the military or of the people. But it is only when Hartranft came to discuss the outbreak in his succeeding message that the true statesmanship of the man, and not his partisanship, appears.

Of the causes and results he says in summing up: "Thus ended the great railway strike of 1877 in Pennsylvania, which resulted in violence, murder, and arson; which caused the death of over fifty civilians and five soldiers and the wounding and maiming of a hundred or more; and the destruction of millions of dollars worth of property. While it is true that the workingmen who began it con

templated no such terrible results, it cannot be denied that the manner in which they proceeded to enforce their demands, by stopping inland commerce and seizing the property of corporations and individuals, and driving citizens from their occupations, in defiance of law, made the breach through which the lawless elements of society poured to plunder and destroy. By thus inconsiderately inviting the co-operation of the criminal classes, labor did itself a great and grievous injury, and it will be long before it can remove the suspicion and distrust with which the people will view its strikes and organizations."

The foregoing observations are timely and just. But the Governor does not fully recognize the fact that the workmen would never have undertaken so revolutionary a proceeding had there not been deep and widespread sympathy felt among the people at large in behalf of their alleged grievances and wrongs. This outbreak was

like the John Brown rebellion at Harper's Ferry-foolish as a remedy, but not such when viewed as a sign of a deep-seated wrong demanding redress.

Farther on Governor Hartranft partially recognizes this view, when he says: "These corporations (the railroads), from the character of the enterprises, are of necessity in most cases monopolies. As such, the people have a right to demand that while the profits may accrue to private individuals, their management shall rise above mere selfish aims and consult also the public utility and welfare. It has come to pass that in the conflict between capital and labor, the former is alnrost wholly represented by corporations and the latter by various organizations. The attitude of the people towards these two forces during the great strike has also deep significance. In the general sympathy for the strikers, dulled only by their unlawful acts, the workmen have assurance that in all right and lawful efforts to better their condition they will have the aid of nearly all classes of their fellow-citizens. And in the prejudices against corporations, those who control them may realize that the possession of great wealth and the control of great enterprises impose obligations to the public which they cannot afford to ignore."

These were wise and statesmanlike views, showing that the Governor was not a narrow partisan, but a friend to the whole people. Again, when he comes to discuss possible remedies, he shows his foresight as well as his just conservatism when he says: "Millions of dollars have been collected from workingmen and squandered in profitless strikes, during which other millions have been lost through

enforced idleness, without even a transient effect upon the natural fluctuations of wages." These reflections are very true and timely, except the closing implication that the fluctuations are natural.*

With paternal regard for the people, Governor Hartranft takes leave of the subject by the following just recommendation: "If it is the interest of the Republic that litigation should cease, it is still more to the interests of the people that the conflicts between different classes should be brought to a close. As it is becoming the public opinion of the civilized world that the nations cannot afford to submit their differences to the costly arbitrament of the sword, so it is becoming the settled conviction that nothing can be gained by a war of classes to compensate for the loss caused by the disturbance of all industrial relations and the dangers threatened to individual independence and free institutions. And in many places the same idea is gaining ground among the trading classes for adjusting the conflicting claims of individuals. Since, therefore, arbitration has been successfully used to settle international questions, and even the petty disputes of individuals, why cannot the same peaceful agency be invoked to adjust the relations of capital and labor?"

The message of 1877 closes with the following wise and sententious sentence: "The divine government that designs the salvation of the meanest of men should be our model, and we should earnestly strive to enlarge the circle of intelligence and prosperity until it embraces all classes of the people."

The legislative session of 1877-78, with very questionable propriety, enacted a law enlarging the authority of Recorder of Philadelphia, into which office, in the spring of the latter year, the Governor placed his Secretary, Mr. Quay. This legislative and administrative act has been widely and invidiously criticised, and even the existence of the office censured as unnecessary. If such censure be just and the act unwarranted, Hartranft only shares equal responsibility with the legislature which enacted it. On the withdrawal of Quay to fill the office of Recorder, the deputy, John B. Linn, Esq., of Centre county, took his place, and on the death of Attorney General Samuel E. Dimmick, George Lear, Esq., of Bucks county, was selected for the vacancy, and held it till the close of the Governor's term.

When the legislature met in January, 1879, Governor Hartranft

*The author cannot forbear here to remark that the causes of fluctuations in wages are not "natural" at all, and not so much social or commercial as political, having their source in governmental policy, which affects production, distribution, and consumption. This is mainly a question of finance, for all men under given circumstances act alike. The remedy is not strikes or violent repression, but political and economical justice and equality before the law.

sent in his message covering mainly the topics he had previously urged upon its attention. While admitting a deficit in the revenue, he congratulates the representatives upon the prospect of soon resuming the former rate of extinguishment of the State debt, which, during his whole service, aggregated twelve millions of dollars. He renews his recommendation of a bank department, and a supervisor of savings and trust companies. Again he urges municipal reforms and the limiting of the power of cities to create debts. Of his previous suggestion of "the industrial and technical training of the young under State patronage," he urges that such assistance would be cheaper than, as heretofore, spending a hundred thousand dollars a year to suppress labor troubles and punish "class murderers."

On the subject of arbitration of differences between employers and employed, he commends the report of an agent he had commissioned within the year to examine the system as recently estab. lished in Great Britain, with the happiest results.

After characterizing the Mollie Maguire killings as class murders, he adds: "If some of the leading spirits of that class had been members of a board of arbitration, as representatives of labor with some of the employers, or their agents, as representatives of capital, it is not unreasonable to suppose that most of the disagreements that have kept the coal regions in a state of turmoil, might have been amicably adjusted, and many of those who were assassinated and those who have been hanged living to-day, if spared in the ordinary course of nature, the life of the average citizen with all its undeveloped possibilities of good and evil. Under these circumstances it becomes a highly important question, whether the policy of repression is the best remedy that the wisdom and humanity of the age can devise. It must eventually prove a failure in the United States. Under our political institutions, the best way to promote the spread of communistic ideas, is to hedge property with bayonets. In the long run the policy of elevation is safe and cheaper than the policy of repression." These are wise and statesmanlike observations.

In closing his review, the Governor briefly refers to another far reaching question thus: "I have long been convinced that the question of general governmental supervision of inter-State and overland commerce is pressing upon us; I have not hesitated to promptly take advantage of the first appeal to the executive to secure, if possible, an authoritative and binding declaration by the

highest judicial tribunal of the State, of the duties and obligations of corporations under the provisions of the Constitution."

We have quoted passages and referred to recommendations to show that the Governor fully apprehended the high responsibilities of a chief magistrate of the State, and that on domestic and social questions, "his heart is in the right place;" and that by whomsoever a design may be entertained to subvert the free institutions of our country, John F. Hartranft cannot be reckoned a coadjutor in the attempt.

On the 21st of January, 1879, he surrendered his trust to General Hoyt, and within the week vacated the Executive Mansion, removing to Philadelphia. A few days after the new Governor nominated him to the Senate to fill the vacant post of Major General, and he was unanimously confirmed by that body, a handsome compliment to his fidelity to the trust he had just rendered up to the people.

John F. Hartranft's successful career thus far has been enigmatical to many, he never having shown those brilliant parts which fix the popular attention and command unthinking admiration. we are a christian people, not believing in "luck," or "chance," we trace his success to those solid qualities which have doubtless been inherited from a religious ancestry. That he has made mistakes in both departments of service, is not doubted or denied, but they have been the exception to a wise and faithful discharge of high public duties; and it can hardly be doubted that his name will go down on the annals of the State beside those of Simon Snyder and Francis R. Shunk, of the same honest Teutonic blood.

On retiring from the executive chair, after a very successful administration, but with no reputed increase of private fortune, his friends urged his claims upon President Hayes, as the suitable successor of Bayard Taylor, to fill the Berlin Mission. The Governor had strong qualifications for the place, though it is not known if he desired it. Still it is supposed political consideration prevented the selection. A shifting among high officials, however, made a vacancy in the Philadelphia post office, which position, having considerable emoluments, was tendered to him, doubtless as a testimonial of his efficient services as Governor, and promptly ratified by the Senate. After some hesitation he concluded to accept, notwithstanding he was in the regular and legitimate line of promotion to the Presidency, and has very many well grounded claims to that high office; the more so, as through a long career he has never disappointed the