To the commander-in-chief of the port of Cronstadt:

His imperial highness the general admiral, foreseeing the possibility of ships belonging to the southern States of the American Union, which have seceded from the United States of North America, arriving at our ports during the present navigation, has directed me to inform your excellency, for your guidance, that, according to the opinion of the minister of foreign affairs, the flag of men-of-war belonging to the seceded States must not be saluted.

That there may be no obstacle in the way of commerce, merchant vessels of the seceded States are to be treated according to the rules acted on by us with regard to Italian merchant vessels sailing under the Italian flag; i. e., according to the treaties that are at present in force, (commercial treaty concluded between America and us December (6,) 10, 1832.) Should the crews of vessels belonging to the seceded States not wish to acknowl edge the authority of the consuls appointed by the federal government of Washington, then, in case of dispute, they must abide by the decision of our local authorities, in the same manner as foreigners whose governments have no representatives in our empire.

General Major GREIG,

Director of the Chancellery of the Ministry of Marine.

Circular addressed to the custom-houses on the White, Baltic, Black, and Azoff seas.

By order of the minister of finance, the department of foreign trade pre scribes: In case any merchant vessels arrive in our ports belonging to the southern States of the American Union, the same not acknowledging the authority of the government of the United States of America, the said vessels are to be treated and received as hitherto, according to the treaty of 1832, should even their ships" papers not be in order, which may occur in consequence of the present political condition of the United States of America.

General Lieutenant PASHKOFF, Director of the Department of Foreign Trade. SORNIN, Chief of Section, &c.

I find here your letters Nos. 1, 2, and 3. No. 1, giving me information which, if sooner received, would have avoided the necessity of my remarks in my last letter personal to myself, as I there find myself advised of my right to receive salary from the time of my leaving home to my arrival here I need only add that the documents referred to in No. 1 are also received, as well as your circular of the 6th May, (printed,) all of which shall receive my earliest attention.

I found the Emperor absent in the direction of Moscow; and being introduced by our minister, Mr. Appleton, to the assistant secretary of state, General Tolstoy, (the premier, Gortchacow, now being also absent,) I was advised by him to await the return of the Emperor; and I presumed it would not be agreeable to the Emperor for me to follow on, so I shall await his return to this city. I may add that the secretary gave me a very cordial meeting, speaking partly in English and partly in French; assured me of the continued feeling of friendship on the part of Russia for the Union, and his hope that the Confederate States would not venture an embassy here. In a word, I venture to say that the French and Russian Emperors are friendly to our Union.

SIR: Your despatch No. 3, dated June 7, was duly received, and the intelligence of your safe arrival at your destination afforded us much satisfaction.

So also the President is highly gratified with the liberal and friendly sentiments concerning our domestic affairs, expressed to you by Prince Gortchacow.

I transmit for your confidential perusal a copy of my last despatch to Mr. Dayton, on the subject of our proposition to accede to the declaration of the congress of Paris. The views it presents will be the guide to your own action on that subject.

The Emperor returned from Moscow a few days ago, where, it is said, he was engaged in suppressing the insurrections of the serfs. By persuasion and arms, as the enemies of the liberation, the proprietors themselves, or

their agents, were making them believe that they were at once freed from all claims of work, &c., and this was done, no doubt, to prejudice the great work of the Emperor. But it seems that everywhere the disaffection has. been subdued, and very strong demonstrations of respect have been, here and at Moscow, by the peasants towards the Emperor, warmly exhibited.

On the 16th (28th) instant I called upon, by agreement, Prince Alexander Gortchacow III, minister of foreign affairs to his Majesty the Emperor. He received me in a cordial way, shaking hands, and causing me to be seated. He led the conversation by saying the Emperor having been advised of my arrival, had ordered him to express his continued friendship for the United States government; that he had heard with regret of our civil troubles, and hoped the Union a speedy triumph. I responded that no change of administration had changed the relations of the United States and Russia, whose natural position and traditionary friendship must ever keep them in the closest harmony, and that I was ordered by the President thus to express myself to his Imperial Majesty; that I was ordered also to explain at the proper time the causes of our difficulties at home; that at present I would only say that the rebel slaveholders made war upon us because, following in the wake of advancing civilization, we would not allow our government to be longer the 'propagandist of slavery. I stated how the slave States were divided, and my hope that the rebellion would be soon crushed out. To this he attentively listened, and responded that he hoped it would be most "speedily done."

Upon my giving him my office copy of the letter of credence, he said he would see the Emperor, and let me know at my hotel when I would be received by his Majesty. He also asked after Pickens, my family, and other things in a familiar way, when I was dismissed by again shaking hands. I have given the substance of the interview, and the words as near as may be, in order that you may for yourself draw your own conclusions.

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According to the rule here, I day before yesterday called upon M. de Tchetestcheff, master of ceremonies. My visit was yesterday returned, and I now await further orders from the Emperor as to the presentation, of the which I will write you the particulars before sending you this. *

Prince Gortchacow having returned my visit, gave me notice that the Emperor would receive me on Sunday, at twelve o'clock, the 2d (14th) July, at Peterhoff. So on to-day (14th July) I and my suite, Green Clay, William C. Goodloe, and T. Williams, private secretaries, set out at ten a. m. for Peterhoff by rail, the "geraut" of ceremonies meeting us at the station here, and three of the Emperor's carriages meeting us at the depot and taking us to the palace. We thea witnessed a review of cavalry and infantry by the Emperor, and aiier it was over, at a little after one o'clock, we were sent for by the Emperor, and, as my secretary was told by the "master of ceremonics," who is the regalar intoducer, I was conducted in the cerce by Prince Gorow, wi, though the Empe or ooke (English: American mostly, acted as interpreter as to the set spech, which was in lusan.

The Emperor received me standing, advancing and saying he was pleased to see me. I then went through, very briely, the usual forms of such speeches, adding, that I venturec. by the orders of my government, say further to bim that the President of the United States and the American people looked with profound sympathy and admiration upon the great re

forms which he was attempting in his empire, which, without considering the philanthropic view of the movement, by building up a middle class, be would add more to the physical power of his country than did Peter the Great by consolidation and extension; and that the success of his enterprise would, in the estimation of the western nations, place him even above that great ruler.

The Emperor seemed much gratified and really moved by this last remark, which he saw was from us a real appreciation of his great undertaking, and not an unmeaning compliment. He then said he would respond through the prince; and, turning to him, he spoke with very decided earnestness. In response to the first part of my address, he repeated the usual words. To the last he said, in conclusion, that "so much the more had he hopes of the perpetuity of the friendship between the two nations now, that in addition to all former ties we were bound together by a common sympathy in the common cause of emancipation." I give nearly the exact words. Among other things he expressed a very earnest wish that we would speedily recover the integrity of the Union. The more formal speech was done through the prince; the rest was spoken to me directly in English. He asked me what late advices I had; and when I told him how many of the border slave States were standing by the Union, he expressed great satisfaction. He wanted to know if I thought England would interfere. I told him we did not care what she did; that her interference would tend to unite us the more; that we fought the south with reluctance; we were much intermarried, and of a common history; but that the course of England had aroused our sensibilities towards her in no very pleasant manner. The Emperor seemed to like my seeming defiance of old "John Bull" very much. He wanted to know if I was a relative of Henry Clay, and what was my military rank. I told him I was only a distant relation of Clay, and that I wore the uniform of an American colonel, which rank I had filled in my own country. The Emperor then wished that our personal relations would advance the national friendship, as our former ministers had so succeeded; inquired after Mr. Appleton's health; regretted that he had not seen him before his departure; shook hands with me; when I accompanied him into the ante-chamber, and introduced to him my three attachés, to whom he made pleasant remarks, when, shaking hands once more, he dismissed us.

I have already made this letter too long; but I cannot conclude without saying how much more and more I value the great and inestimable blessings of our government, and how I trust in God that no compromise will be made of the great idea for which we have so long fought, but that General Scott, following out the programme of Mr. Lincoln's inaugural, will slowly and surely subdue the rebellion, "stock, lock, and gun-barrel," "hook and line, bob and sinker," and that we may be all spared to see once more that glorious old banner restored. "Liberty and union, now and forever-one and inseparable."

I have the honor to be your most obedient servant,

C. M. CLAY. Hon. W. II. SEWARD, Secretary of State, &c., Washington, D. C.

Ex. Doc. 1-20

No. 9.]

Mr. Seward to Mr. Clay.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, July 9, 1861.

SIR: Mr. Appleton's despatch of May 22, (June 3,) No. 18, has been re ceived.

It contains the orders in admiralty on the subject of the treatment of American vessels during the present condition of our internal affairs.

The subject seems to call for no special instruction to you, except to express to the Russian government the satisfaction which this government feels in regard to the conduct and friendly action of the Emperor.

Mr. Appleton is now with us, and we are deriving much profit from the information he gives. We learn your high appreciation of his conduct in his mission with pleasure.

I am, sir, respectfully, your obedient servant,

CASSIUS M. CLAY, Esq., &c., &c., &c.

WILLIAM H. SEWARD.

A few days since I laid before Prince Gortchacow the declaration of the seven powers at Paris, April 16, 1856, as you had prepared it. He expressed himself favorably inclined towards allowing us to become a party, saying that Russia had, in a friendly spirit, in 1856, asked that America and the parties not acceding should be exempt from its force; for he desired to see the United States flourish as a naval power; *

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that he would take the scheme under consideration, and advise me of the Emperor's conclusion. I laid before him also an additional clause, embracing Secretary Marcy's proposition: "Private goods of citizens or subjects of neutrals, and of belligerents, at sea, not contraband of war, shall not be liable to capture." Of this also he spoke favorably, but said, as we could not enforce it without the accession of the great powers, it should be referred to them. I said that there must be a beginning, and that I hoped the Emperor would both accept it and urge it upon the maritime powers. Should this advance be made, (and why not?) it would, most of all, benefit the United States; whilst, in agreeing simply to the Paris declaration, we are most of all injured.

Your copy of despatch (No. 27) to Mr. Dayton you will see has just been exactly anticipated by me. I put the Paris declaration, "pure and simple," for immediate adoption, and reserved the Marcy addendum for future consideration. No doubt it will be ultimately adopted; for all the nations except France, England, and the United States, would no doubt be glad to have the commerce of the seas free from the perils of the war navies of these great powers.