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have been pleased to know more exactly my own proceedings as well as the more specific character of my instructions. An hour's interview has had the effect to correct our impressions better than could have been accomplished by an elaborate correspondence.

I can now perfectly understand as well as enter into the reasons which prompted his proposal of the declaration of Paris, connected as it was with the modification first suggested by Mr. Marcy. There can be no doubt that the attempt to secure such an extension of the application of the principle contained in the first point of that declaration was worth making, on the part of the new administration, particularly at a place where there was no reason to presume any disinclination to adopt it. Neither did the reply of Mr. Thouvenel entirely preclude the hope of ultimate success, so far as the disposition of France may be presumed.

The obstacles, if any there are, must be inferred to have been thought to exist elsewhere. And an advance could be expected only when the efforts to remove them had been applied with effect in the proper quarter. It was, therefore, both natural and proper for Mr. Dayton, after having made his offer, and received such an answer, to wait patiently until it should become apparent that such efforts had been made, and made without success.

There can be no doubt that the opposition to this modification centres here. Independently of the formal announcement of Lord John Russell to me that the proposition was declined, I have, from other sources of information, some reason to believe that it springs from the tenacity of a class of influential persons, by their age and general affinities, averse to all sudden variations from established ideas. Such people are not to be carried away by novel reasoning, however forcible. We have cause to feel the presence of a similar power at home, though in a vastly reduced degree.

All modifications of the public law, however beneficent, naturally meet with honest resistance in these quarters for a time. It is to be feared that this may have the effect of defeating, at this moment, the application of the noble doctrines of the declaration of Paris, in the full expansion of which they are susceptible. But to my mind the failure to reach that extreme point will not justify the United States in declining to accept the good which is actually within their grasp. The declaration of the leading powers of civilized Europe, made at Paris in 1856, engrafted upon the law of nations for the first time great principles for which the government of the United States had always contended against some of those powers, and down to that time had contended in vain.

That great act was the virtual triumph of their policy all over the globe. It was the sacrifice, on the part of Great Britain, of notions she had ever before held to with the most unrelenting rigidity. It would therefore seem as if any reluctance to acknowledge this practical amount of benefit, obtained on the mere ground that something remained to require, was calculated only to wither the laurels gained by our victory.

It would almost scem like a retrograde tendency to the barbarism of former ages. Surely it is not in the spirit of the reformed government in America to give countenance to any such impression. Whatever may have been the character of the policy in later years, the advent of another and a better power should be marked by a recurrence to the best doctrines ever proclaimed in the national history. And if it so happen that they are not now adopted by others to the exact extent that we would prefer, the obvious course of wisdom would seem to be to accept the good which can be obtained, and patiently to await another opportunity when a continuance of exertions in the same direction may enable us to secure everything that is left to be desired.

I think that Mr. Dayton has waited only to be convinced that his proposed

modification cannot be secured before he acts upon the authority given him to accede to the declaration of Paris, pure and simple.

On my part, I have apprised him of the answer made to me by Lord John Russell at our last conference. But he wishes some evidence upon which he can rely a little more securely than a report of conversation. And considering the remarkable discrepancy in the recollection of the conferences with his lordship which has thus far taken place, I am not surprised. In order to meet this difficulty he has addressed to me a letter of inquiry, which I propose to answer. At the same time I design to address a letter to his lordship recapitulating the portion of his conversation that is in question, and informing him that, on the assumption that I understood him right, Mr. Dayton consents to proceed. This will, of course, render it necessary for him to explain himself, if the fact should be otherwise.

Mr. Dayton will, of course, communicate directly with the department as to the later measures which he may think proper to take.

You will have been already informed by the newspapers of the changes which the ministry has undergone in consequence of the necessity imposed upon Lord Herbert by his failing health to retire from his post. As a consequence, Lord John Russell has been called to the House of Lords, though retaining his official station, and some shifting of other places has occurred. The only new appointment is that of Sir Robert Peel.

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But I have not time at the close of this communication to enter into any speculations so intimately connected with a general view of the state of affairs in the other countries of Europe as well as in the United States. I shall therefore reserve what views I may have to submit on this subject to a future opportunity.

I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,

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SIR: My despatch, No. 42, dated July 21, was delayed beyond the proper mail day by circumstances entirely beyond my control. I trust, however, that it will still be in time.

Our army of the Potomac on Sunday last met a reverse equally severe and unexpected. For a day or two the panic which had produced the result was followed by a panic that seemed to threaten to demoralize the country. But that evil has ceased already. The result is already seen in a vigorous reconstruction upon a scale of greater magnitude and increased enthusiasm. It is not likely that anything will now be done here, hastily or inconsiderately, affecting our foreign relations.

WILLIAM H. SEWARD.

I am, sir, respectfully, your obedient servant, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., &c., &c., &c.

No. 49.]

Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams.

[Confidential.]

DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, July 29, 1861.

SIR: Your despatch of July 12, 1861, No 14, has been received. Your proposition of making a distinct appeal to the British government on the subject of the issue between it and this government, upon the questions so long discussed, is approved. We shall look with much interest for the answer of that government.

You will hear of a reverse of our arms in Virginia. The exaggerations of the result have been as great as the public impatience, perhaps, which brought it about. But the affair will not produce any serious injury. The strength of the insurrection is not broken, but it is not formidable. The vigor of the government will be increased, and the ultimate result will be a triumph of the Constitution. Do not be misled by panic reports of danger apprehended for the capital.

Some important points in your despatch will be treated of in another

paper.

WILLIAM H. SEWARD.

I am, sir, respectfully, your obedient servant, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., &c., &c., &c.

Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward.

No. 22.]

LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
London, August 2, 1861.

SIR: I have the honor to transmit the copy of a note addressed by me, on the 29th of July last, to Lord John Russell, and likewise a copy of his lordship's reply. I must frankly admit that I do not understand the meaning of the last paragraph.

I have transmitted a copy of his lordship's note to Mr. Dayton. I doubt not that it will be deemed by him so far satisfactory as to induce him to take the necessary measures for a simultaneous negotiation as soon as the customary arrangements with the French government can be made I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,

Hon. Wм. H. SEWARD,

CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS.

Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.

LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
London, July 29, 1861.

MY LORD: I have the honor now to inform your lordship that, in consonance with the intention expressed in my note of the 19th instant, I have written to Mr. Daytou, at Paris, touching the extent of his powers to nego tiate upon the same basis proposed by me to you, with the government of France, to which he is accredited. I have also to say that since the date of my writing I have had the pleasure to converse personally with him as well as to receive a letter from him in answer to my inquiry.

Mr. Dayton informs me that, some time since, he made a proposal to the French government to adopt the declaration of the congress of Paris in 1856, with an addition to the first clause, in substance the same with that

heretofore proposed by his predecessor, Mr. Mason, under instructions given by Mr. Marcy, then the Secretary of State of the United States. To that proposal he received an answer from the French minister of foreign affairs, declining to consider the proposition, not for any objection entertained against it, but because it was a variation from the terms of the original agreement requiring a prior reference of it to the other parties to that convention. This answer does not, in his opinion, make the ultimate acceptance of his addition impossible, and he does not feel as if he ought to aban don the support of what he considers as so beneficent an amendment to the original plan until he has reason to despair of success. He has therefore requested to know of me whether I have reason to believe perseverance in this direction to be fruitless.

For my part I entirely concur in the view entertained by Mr. Dayton of the value of this amendment. I also know so well the interest that my government takes in its adoption as to be sure that it would refuse to justify a further procedure on our part which was not based upon a reasonable certainty that success is not attainable, at least at the present moment. I have, therefore, ventured to state to Mr. Dayton my belief that I have that certainty. I have therefore mentioned to him, what I have likewise communicated to the proper department of the government of the United States, the fact that in the last conference I had the honor to hold with your lordship, allusion having been made to the amendment of Mr. Dayton, I said that that amendment was undoubtedly the first wish of my government, and that I had instructions to press it if there was the smallest probability of success, but that I supposed this matter to have been already definitively acted upon. To which I understood your lordship to signify your assent, and to add that I might consider the proposition as inadmissible. If I have made no mistake in reporting the substance of what passed between us, Mr. Dayton tells me he is satisfied, and expresses his readiness to proceed on the basis proposed by me to your lordship with the French government. But in order to remove all probability of misconception between him and myself, I have taken the liberty of recalling your lordship's attention to the matter before it may be too late. Should there have been any essential error of fact on the main point, I trust your lordship will do me the favor to set me right.

Should it happen, on the contrary, that I am correct, I believe it will not be necessary to interpose any delay in the negotiation for further reference to the government of the United States. Mr. Dayton will take the necessary steps to apprise the government of the Emperor of the French of his intention to accede to the declaration of Paris, puré and simple, and the negotiations may be carried on simultaneously in both countries as soon as the necessary arrangements can be perfected on the respective sides.

However my government may regret that it has not been able to expand the application of the principles of the declaration of Paris to the extent which it deems desirable, it is too well convinced of the great value of the recognition actually given to those principles by the great powers of Europe in that act, longer to hesitate in giving in its cordial adhesion. But it ardently cherishes the hope that time and the favoring progress of correct opinion may before long bring about opportunities for additional developments of the system they initiate, through the co-operation of all maritime nations of the earth, and most especially of one so enlightened and philanthropic as Great Britain.

Renewing the assurances of my highest consideration, I have the honor to be your lordship's most obedient servant,

CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. The Right Hon. Lord JOHN RUSSELL, &c., &c., &c.

FOREIGN OFFICE, July 31, 1861. SIR: I have had the honor to receive your letter of the 29th instant, in which you inform me that Mr. Dayton, some time since, made a proposal to the French government to adopt the declaration of the congress of Paris in 1856, with an addition to the first clause, in substance the same with that heretofore proposed by his predecessor, Mr. Mason, under instructions given by Mr. Marcy, then the Secretary of State of the United States. After giving an account of the reception given to that proposition by the French government, and the value attached to it by Mr. Dayton and yourself, you proceed to state that in a conversation with me you told me that the addition proposed was the first wish of your government, and that you had instructiens to press it if there was the smallest probability of success, but that you supposed this matter to have been already definitively acted upon. You represent me as signifying my assent, and adding that I considered the proposition as inadmissible.

So far as I am concerned, this statement is perfectly correct.

You go on to inform me that in the case of your statement being correct, Mr. Dayton will take the necessary steps to apprise the French government of his intention to accede to the declaration of Paris, "pure and simple, and that the negotiations may be carried on simultaneously in both countries as soon as the necessary arrangements can be perfected on the respective sides."

You will doubtless recollect that in my letter of the 18th instant, I stated that "her Majesty's government are of opinion that they should be assured that the United States are ready to enter into a similar engagement with France, and with the other maritime powers who are parties to the declara tion of Paris, and do not propose to make simply and separately a convention with Great Britain only."

But as I agreed in the same letter to waive this assurance, and as I conclude, in point of fact, the United States are willing to sign similar conventions with all the states parties to the declaration of Paris, I shall be ready to carry on the negotiations as soon as the necessary arrangements can be perfected in London and Paris, so that the conventions may be signed simultaneously at those two capitals.

I need scarcely add that on the part of Great Britain the engagement will be prospective, and will not invalidate anything already done.

I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration, sir, your most obedient, humble servant,

CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., &c., &c., &c.

J. RUSSELL.

Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams.

No. 55.]

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, August 6, 1861.

SIR: Your despatch, No. 17, of the date of July 19th, has been received. I entirely approve of the letter which you addressed to Lord John Russell, of the 11th, a copy of which accompanied that despatch, and I wait now with impatience, yet not without some solicitude, for the action of the British gov ernment upon our propositions which we so early sent forward in good faith, and which by such strange accidents have been so long in reaching the cabinet of Great Britain.

I need hardly tell you that the same mail which conveyed our propositions

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