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WITH the opening of August, it will verity at a very rapid rate, with each

The Longest War in

a Century

be possible to say that the European war or what might be more correctly termed the war of all the nationshas continued longer than any such conflict in a century. On July 31, 1918, four years of continuous fighting will be completed. If Lee's surrender is taken as the end of the War of Secession and the firing on Sumter as its beginning, then the duration of that struggle was slightly less than a four-year periodfrom April 12, 1861, to April 9, 1865. In the case of the Manchurian War, it was barely a year and seven months between the attack on Russia's Port Arthur fleet in February, 1904, to the Treaty of Portsmouth in September, 1905.

The Boer War, which seemed a long conflict to people of that day, began on October 11, 1899, and ended May 31, 1902-the duration, therefore, slightly exceeding two years and seven months. The Russo-Turkish War of 1877 did not outlast a twelvemonth; the FrancoPrussian War was over in seven months; the Prussian War of 1866 against Austria in a little more than a month. Two years and five months made up the term of the Crimean War which began in 1853. Not until the record is rolled back to Napoleon's day shall we find a war which lasted longer than what has already been the duration of the present conflict.

Such comparisons naturally suggest at this time another glance at the economic conditions which have been brought about by the four years of the present war, and their analogy or contrast to results in the same field on earlier occasions. Whatever form or direction is taken by the economic changes of such a period, their influence is bound to be cumulative; that is to say, the dislocation of ordinary finance and industry will increase in se

successive year of war. For this there are two obvious reasons-one, that the huge expenditure of capital on war will progressively reduce the amount of real accumulated wealth which existed before the war began; the other, that the actual demands of the government on the resources of its people will always, in a longcontinued modern war, be vastly greater with each additional year of fighting. To what extent that has been true of the present war, every one knows.

THE

What It the United States

Has Cost

"HE United States completed on June 30 the first full fiscal year of the government under war conditions. During that twelvemonth it spent for all purposes, including loans to its Allies, about $12,500,000,000. But within the period our monthly disbursements had risen progressively from $657,000,000 in July of 1917 to $1,103,o00,000 in December and to $1,508,000,ooo in May. At present, the government's plans for taxation and borrowing are based on expectation that in the twelve months following June 30, if war continues, the government will have spent twice as much as in the twelve months preceding, or something between $24,000,000,000 and $25,000,000,000.

This is entirely in line with the experience of the British Government, whose annual expenditure rose from £1,559,o00,000 in the fiscal year 1916 to £2,198,000,000 in the fiscal year 1917, and to £2,696,000,000 in the fiscal year 1918, with £2,972,000,000 estimated by the Exchequer for the twelvemonth ending with next March. It is also quite in line with our own experience during the War of Secession. From $61,400,000 spent by the United States Government in the year before that war, the outlay rose to

men.

$466,000,000 in the fiscal year ending a large part of whom were women or older June 30, 1862, and from this it made successive forward strides to $717,900,000 in the fiscal year 1863, to $863,900,000 in 1864, and to $1,294,800,000 in 1865.

It might be imagined, therefore, that economic conditions, four years after the beginning of the present war, would find some interesting parallel in the American war of half a century ago. But there are very few analogies; the surrounding economic circumstances being in fact entirely different from those of to-day. First among these is the fact that in the Civil War period, nobody was at war except the United States Government and the seceding States. The United States had, therefore, the rest of the world, notably the older and richer communities of Europe, on which to rely for resources either of capital or credit.

Clearly, the resultant situation could not have been analogous to that created by a war in which every great financial

and industrial country of the world, Holland alone excepted, is individually and actively involved. This is a war in which, so far as concerns the United States, the government not only cannot draw freely on the rest of the world for military supplies and food, but has had to assume the task of supplying our European Allies with war munitions, construction material, foodstuffs, and the capital with which to pay for them-this in a quantity so immense as to necessitate close restriction of our own domestic use of all these facilities for ordinary purposes.

AT

Depletion of the Ranks of Labor

T the present time a large part of the problems of our industrial markets arise from depletion of the ranks of labor for military service. There was similar depletion in 1861 and the ensuing three years; but it was greatly offset by an immigration of 703,ooo in the period. There is no such offset at the present time; on the contrary, immigration virtually ceased several years ago because of the requisitions on foreign man power for military service. Whereas in the year ending June 30, 1914, 1,218,480 immigrants arrived in the United States, in the twelvemonth ending with June, 1917, the total was only 205.403,

Perhaps our Southern States, after four years of the Civil War, present the nearest analogy, especially to the blockaded nations of Europe; and undoubtedly the depletion of the young white population through army requisitions, the shortage of all supplies except such as were raised on the Southern fields, the exclusion from foreign capital, the extraordinary inflation of the currency and the extraordinary inflation of prices, foreshadowed much that has happened in this war. But neither the United States nor western Europe is blockaded by the enemy, and, furthermore, the fact that the South of 1861 was almost exclusively an agricultural community, and had little or no reserve of accumulated capital, created a situation which no belligerent of this war, save possibly Russia, Rumania, Bulgaria, or Turkey, could reproduce.

Ε

with the

EVEN when we begin to draw comparisons with the Napoleonic conflict, we have first the fact that whereas in 1812 there were a dozen separate governments in the war, the present belligerents number twenty-three, and include, as the list of Napoleon's day Comparison did not, the participation of Napoleonic South America and Asia. In Wars only two respects did the industrial situation of that period fairly foreshadow what has happened since 1914, first in the shortage of food supplies, due partly to harvest failures at home and partly to interference with ocean trade, and second in the depreciation of the foreign exchange and the currency. But even in those directions there were no such huge urban populations to feed as there are to-day, and therefore the food problem was one of production rather than distribution; while the network of international commerce and finance, which was torn apart by this war, did not exist a century ago.

It might be added that the losses in battle during the Napoleonic wars were trifling when compared with the losses of these days; and this is true even when one allows for the estimates of an increase in the world's population from something like 700,000,000 in 1810 to something like

(Continued on page 40, following)

[graphic][merged small]

Trench, 1840 Reproduced by special permi sion from the original painting in the possession of Mrs. Hugo Reisinger, New York.

-See "The Field of Art."

SCRIBNER'S MAGAZINE

VOL. LXIV

SEPTEMBER, 1918

NO. 3

A WAR MISSION IN THE SAHARA

BY RAYMOND RECOULY (CAPTAIN X)

Aide-de-Camp to the Governor-General of Algeria; author of "General Joffre and His Battles,"
"Russia in Revolution," etc.

W

ILLUSTRATIONS FROM PHOTOGRAPHS BY THE AUTHOR

AR, with its vicissitudes, its varying fortunes, imposes singular and radical changes upon every one engaged in it. This time last year, for example, I was on the high table-lands of Asia Minor, travelling from one end of the Russian Caucasus to the other, from Erzeroum to Trébizonde, with the commission sent out to verify on the spot to just what degree of insubordination and confusion the anarchical propaganda of the Soviet had already reduced the Russian army. The experiences of that trip I have already described for the readers of SCRIBNER'S.*

And now, this year, here I am "somewhere in Africa," between five and six hundred kilometres from Algiers, on the confines of the Sahara!

Last winter one of the most eminent of French statesmen, M. Jonnart, former minister of foreign affairs, was intrusted by his friend M. Clemenceau, with the difficult duties of governor-general of Algeria-duties which he had discharged during a former term of office with marked success. This was the same M. Jonnart, by the way, who, as High Commissioner of the Allied Powers, in a few days caused the abdication of King Constantine and the political alignment of Greece on the side of the Entente. I accompanied the new governor-general to Algiers as his aide-de-camp. Immediately upon our arrival he sent me with the military leader

"The Russian Army and the Revolution," SCRIBNER'S MAGAZINE, November, 1917.

of native affairs to the Southern Territories to stimulate recruiting among the Arabs. And so, since yesterday I have been at Laghouat, a delightful little Franco-Arabian city buried in flowers and palms and orange-trees.

Nothing can equal the charm of the oases of the Sahara in the springtime. After long journeyings over monotonous stretches of plateaux, across unending plains where nothing growing is to be seen save, here and there, scraggy clumps of l'alfa (esparto-grass), after traversing interminable sand-dunes, suddenly one finds oneself in a veritable bower of living green, musical with the sound of running water.

The barley planted at the foot of the palms is of a delicate green-a refreshment and a delight to the eye. Everywhere, growing among the native African trees, are the fruit-trees of France; the apricot, the peach-tree laden down with pink blossoms, and the grape-vine, its long and flexible tendrils climbing upward about the dry and knotty trunks of the palms.

Owing to the foresight of the colonel who is in command of the Territory of Laghouat, all the great native leaders of that region, the commanders-in-chief, the commanders and the heads of the tribes, were assembled in the Arab bureau, the official residence of the French authorities. The native chiefs were in full dress

long, flowing robes of fine silk over which was flung the great burnous of red wool. Pinned on the breast, or hung about the neck, of each one were the

Copyright, 1918, by Charles Scribner's Sons. All rights reserved.

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