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An American, describing at the time Mr. Hayes' inauguration, and referring to his principles, remarked :-“Since Abraham Lincoln's inauguration on the same spot sixteen years ago there has been no ceremony of deeper importance than the transaction of yesterday. The world may well dwell on that simple but august pageant and solemnity, for it marks, as I conceive, the beginning of better and purer life on the part of forty millions of people. There seems really no limit to the influence which under our system may be exerted by the President, and we have a man now in that great office who has entered upon its duties with a high sense of responsibility. The chief pledge given by him beforehand was that he would seek to make an end of the bestowal of office for political reasons only, and the allowing of partisan service on the part of public officers. This pledge he has now solemnly repeated, and with admirable skill he has referred to the fact that both the great political parties have in terms almost identical declared the need of this reform, and pledged to it their unreserved support. One can fancy the dismay with which the political chiefs of the outgoing administration must have listened to these portentous words. There stood Chandler, Grant's Secretary of the Interior, who had been chairman of the Republican committee during the whole canvass; and there was Cameron, the Secretary of War, who had led the Pennsylvania delegation at the Cincinnati Convention. General Grant himself must have felt rebuked as he listened to the setting forth by the new President of a course of action as of the highest obligation which was contrary in every particular to what had been his procedure. The closing words of the address referred to the example which had been given to the world of a great nation in the midst of a struggle of opposing parties for power hushing its party tumults to yield the issue of the contest to adjustment according to the forms of law. And last of all there was a solemn appeal for the guidance of that Divine hand by which the destinies of nations and individuals are shaped ; looking to this guidance, the senators, representatives, and judges who stood around were called upon by the President to work with him for the best interests of the country, that so ' peace and happiness, truth and justice, religion and piety, may be established among us for all generations. This quotation from the Prayer for the High Court of Parliament, or for Congress, as we have it, one meets with in such an address as this with a certain surprise. Mr. Hayes is not, I believe, a Churchman; it is a curious thought that the prayer from which he quotes was composed by Archbishop Laud.”

The Ministers comprising President Hayes' Cabinet were announced to be

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The New York papers—the Herald, Tribune, and Timesgave their unqualified approval to the address of the new President, characterising it as wise, sincere, courageous, and unpartisan in its declarations. Mr. Hayes' Cabinet appointments likewise indicated his policy. The members of his Cabinet were said to be not so much Republicans as Independents, and the PostmasterGeneral- a Democrat—had been an officer in the Confederate army. Nor was ability overlooked by Mr. Hayes ; for Mr. Evarts, the Secretary of State, was the ablest lawyer in the country.

Mr. Hayes began at once to carry out the policy of conciliation and reform he had so frankly announced and so earnestly advocated in his manly and outspoken address. He gradually withdrew the Federal troops from the Southern States, leaving only those necessary for garrison duty; and the troops thus liberated were employed against Mexican raiders and hostile Indians. General Howard had an encounter with the Indians of Idaho July 12, in which two officers were wounded, eleven soldiers killed, and twentyfour wounded. Thirteen Indians were killed and many wounded. A party of thirty-oue Chinamen, while descending Clearwater in canoes, were attacked by Joseph's band of Indians and only one escaped. Volunteers were called out by the United States Govertment in Oregon and Washington territory.

General Howard had an action of some importance with the Indians under the Indian Chief Joseph. “ Four hundred of our troops," said the Philadelphia correspondent of the Times, “ fought 300 Indians for two days; the latter finally abandoned their camp, and retreated westward towards the Snake country. Thirteen of their number are believed to have been killed, while our troops lost eleven killed and twenty-nine wounded. But while this engagement is deemed important, no evidence is given that the Indians suffered serious loss, as they carried off their dead and wounded. General Howard is now moving towards Mount Idaho, to concentrate his forces with a reinforcement of 315 men going thither from San Francisco, and also one infantry regiment from Georgia. The general has now nearly every available soldier on the Pacific coast, while barely 1,000 troops remain in the Southern States."

The condition of the negro population in the Southern States was at this time very far from satisfactory, as may be gathered from the testimony of an eye-witness. “It is not easy," he said, “to resist the conclusion that the negroes on the large cotton plantations have actually retrograded towards barbarism. Their cabins are small huts of pine logs or rough boards, containing only one room. A glazed window in a plantation cabin might be sought in vain from Virginia to Texas. Cheapness and ugliness and squalor characterise these dwellings; the hovels of the Irish peasantry are luxurious compared with them. Yet the negro lịves year after year in entire contentment in these wretched cabins, and if by any chance money comes to him he will spend it in useless finery or luxurious food rather than buy glass for his window or build an extra room for a kitchen. His clothes are the cast-off garments of his employer or his white neighbours, and his wife's costume is a calico gown and a cotton handkerchief tied about the head. As a slave he was better clad, for he received two suits of jeans or kersey a year. His food is Indian corn meal and bacon, and now and then a chicken of his own, or quite as frequently a stolen one. The physical comforts of a field hand seem to be fewer than in the days of slavery, and yet the testimony is universal that he prizes his freedom above everything else. Perhaps this last statement will be considered as neutralising the previous account of the wretchedness of his condition. It may also be said that, idle as he may be, and unfavourable to health as are his food and general mode of living, he it is after all on whom the world relies for the gathering of the cotton crop. Year after year there is sent to market a product far in excess of anything known in the days of slavery. It is in regions where the blacks greatly outnumber the whites that the condition of the former is so low in the scale of civilisation : wherever the whites predominate there the negroes advance in intelligence, and more cleanliness and self-respect are visible. The presence of the stronger race seems absolutely necessary for the improvement and elevation of the weaker. One result of the present low physical and moral condition of the blacks is tbat the proportion of black convicts to white throughout the cotton States is ten to one. All this is, of course, a natural result of slavery. The great fact remains that, whereas it was always predicted by the slaveholders that should emancipation take place the blacks would not work, and that they would perish, they have as freedmen gathered more cotton than ever before.”

The political quietness that prevailed generally throughout the country was favourable to the measures of administrative reform that Mr. Hayes endeavoured to carry out, and which a general want of prosperity rendered the more desirable. Trade and commerce were depressed, wages fell, and great numbers could not obtain employment. “ Tramps roamed over the country begging for food and sleeping in the open air, or under what chance shelter they could obtain.” Such was the state of things when the directors of the great railway companies, following the example of other large employers of labour, determined upon a general reduction of ten per cent. in the wages of railway servants-a determination which affected the interests of 100,000 persons and resulted in a widespread strike of railway hands and riots of the most appalling character; in a short time the militia were under arms in five States; two cities, at least, underwent all the horrors of a reign of terror, and in ten days railway property was destroyed to the amount of nearly ten thousand dollars, or two millions sterling. The strike began with the stokers and brakesmen in the goods department of the Baltimore and Ohio Railway on July 16, when forty inen at Baltimore not only struck against a reduction of wages and left their trains, but would not allow their places to be filled by other hands. At Martinsburg, in Virginia, a hundred men seized the line and the locomotives and entirely stopped the goods traffic. The militia, either from sympathy or because they were afraid to face the firearms and earthworks of the rioters, refused to act. As a consequence, the movement gained ground, and extended to New York and Columbus, in Ohio, and along the Pennsylvania Railway. The President, in answer to Governor Matthews' application for assistance, issued a proclamation to the rioters to disperse, and sent 250 regular troops to Martinsburg. The ringleader of the men on strike was arrested, order to some extent was restored, and trains were despatched from Martinsburg east and west. At other places, all the goods and cattle trains were stopped; but mail trains and passenger trains were not molested.

At Baltimore, on July 20, the 5th and 6th Regiments of the National Guard of Maryland, composed of citizens of Baltimore, attacked by an infuriated mob, replied with several volleys from their breech-loading Springfield rifles, and the streets were stained with blood.

But at Pittsburg, on July 21 and 22, things were much more serious. “ The conflict began," said a correspondent, “ in the afternoon of the 21st, when Sheriff Fife, at the head of the militia from Philadelphia, attempted to arrest some of the ringleaders. One of the mob approached the sheriff, waving his bat, and, calling to the crowd and the strikers, said, 'Give them hell!' A shower of stones was hurled at the troops, and one revolver-shot was fired. The soldiers then used their rifles, and for three minutes a sharp fire was kept up. Sixteen of the crowd were killed and many wounded. The crowd fled in dismay, and the strikers now sought shelter in every direction. But the excited populace, including those in no way connected with the railroad, expressed their determination to join with the strikers in driving the soldiers from the city. These remarks were interspersed with threats that the company's shops, depôts, and buildings should be laid in ashes that very night. The rioters kept their word. A large number of rolling-mill hands and workmen in the various shops of the city were assembled by eight o'clock. They broke into the manufactory of the Great Western Gunworks, and captured 200 rifles and a quantity of small-arms. Other mobs sacked all the places wbere arms were exposed for sale, getting about 300 more. Among them were 1,000 mill hands from Birmingham. The different crowds joined together and marched to Twenty-Eighth Street. In the meantime the strikers around the Union Depôt had not been idle. The Philadelphia trcops, whose numbers had been swelled to over 800 men, had withdrawn into the large round-house at TwentyEighth and Liberty Streets, with two Gatling guns and two other pieces belonging to Breck's battery. The round-house was a very solid building, with double walls, the outer one of iron. The position was the strongest possible one for the troops. The mob began to assemble rapidly, many with guns procured at the Alleghany armoury. By midnight 20,000 people were upon the ground, 5,000 of whom were armed men. The mob laid siege to the round-house in which the soldiers had taken refuge, and opened a brisk fire upon it, which was hotly returned by the troops. Finding that they could not dislodge the soldiers by this means, the rioters resolved to burn them out. Just before midnight an oiltrain was fired, and run by the mob down the track and against the Sand-house--a large building near the round-house. This building caught fire, and was destroyed, but the round-house was saved by the soldiers within, who played upon it from the railway company's hydrants. The smoke of the burning oil nearly suffocated the soldiers; but they held their quarters until seven in the morning, when they vacated the building and moved to Sharpsburgh. On the way they were attacked by the rioters, and many were killed on both sides. Incendiarism thus once started, a new spirit of wanton destruction took possession of the mob. From the time the torch was applied to the first car, at eleven o'clock on Saturday night, all night long and the greater part of Sunday morning car after car was taken possession of, the torch applied, and the burning mass sent whirling down the track among the 2,000 cars filled with valuable cargoes of freight of all descriptions, and costly passenger-cars and sleeping and day coaches, spreading destruction on every hand. After the departure of the militia, both the round-houses beyond the Union Depôt were burnt, and 125 locomotives were destroyed. All the machine shops and railroad offices were also fired. The rioters planted a cannon in the streets near by, and threatened to blow in pieces any man who attempted to extinguish the flames. The firemen, thus intimidated, retired, and devoted themselves to saving private property.”

The troops that had been completely disorganised and escaped the mob by scattering, collected again at Claremont, ten miles from Pittsburg, where they fortified themselves. Twenty-five of their number had been killed and wounded during their retreat.

Another account, detailing the rioting at Pittsburg, thus describes wbat happened there after the defeat of the troops--who had never seen action and were badly led :—“ Thousands of men roamed about the streets and railways, burning, destroying, and plundering. The strikers had little to do with this, matters passing beyond their control. Every building containing arms or ammunition was plundered, railway cars, loaded with corn, provisions, and petroleum were burnt, and stations with the adjoining hotels sacked. Then the mob burnt Union Depôt.

A vast conflagration, with wholesale robbery, continued throughout Sunday. One hundred and twenty-five locomotives and over 1,000 cars were destroyed, with a large amount of other property. The damage was estimated at $4,000,000. The mob at length became weary of plunder, and on Sunday afternoon the citizens organised to pro

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