the first time in the history of the State that the rule has been adopted because in that history no case has occurred to call forth its exercise. The proceedings of the convention that framed the Declaration of Independence were in secret. The Convention that framed the Constitution of the United States, held its secret sessions, and the Senate of the United States not unfrequently sit with closed doors. Those who have taken no occasion to condemn us, may be purer than those who framed the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States; but we very much doubt whether they will have greater hold upon public confidence. But the reasons for our course are our best justification; the country was excited, and the public demands imperious. We desired to legislate uninfluenced and unretarded by the crowds that would otherwise have attended our deliberations; but still more than this, the western portion of Tennessee was in an exposed condition, with no military defense whatever; the towns and counties bordering on the Mississippi river were liable to be assailed at any hour by the armed forces collected at Cairo, and we desired that no act of legislation on our part should form the pretext for such an invasion, so long as it could be avoided. Our fellow-citizens of West Tennessee, and of Arkansas, are laboring night and day to erect batteries on the river to prevent a descent of the enemy. A duty that we owed to them and to the cause of humanity demanded that we should not make our action known till the latest possible moment. If some desired light while we were at work we equally desirous to save the blood and property of Tennesseeans. Our doors have now been thrown open, the jonrnals will be published-every vote is recorded, and he must be a fault-finder indeed who will complain after hearing the reasons that prompted our actions.

We have briefly touched the principal subjects that engaged the attention of the legislature. Tennessee has taken her position and has proudly determined to throw her banners to the breeze, and will give her strength to the sacred cause of freedom for the white man of the South.

R. G. PAYNE,
EDMUND J. WOOD,
S. S. STANTON,

J. A. MINNIS,
G. GANTT,
W. W. GUY,

ROBT. B. HURT.
BENJ. J. LEA,

JOSEPH G. PICKETT.

CALL FOR A CONVENTION OF THE PEOPLE OF EASTERN TENNESSEE.

The undersigned, a portion of the people of East Tennessee, disapproving of the hasty and inconsiderate action of our General Assembly, and sincerely desirous to do, in the midst of the troubles which

surround us, what will be best for our country, and for all classes of our citizens respectfully appoint a Convention to be held in Knoxville, on Tuesday, the 30th of May inst., and we urge every county in East Tennessee to send delegates to this Convention, that the conservative element of our whole section may be represented, and that wise, prudent, and judicious counsels may prevail, looking to peace and harmony among ourselves.

JOINT RESOLUTION RATIFYING THE LEAGUE.

Whereas, A Military league, offensive and defensive, was formed, on this the 7th day of May, 1861, by and between A. O. W. Totten, Gustavus A. Henry, and Washington Barrow, Commissioners on the part of the Stete of Tennessee, and H. W. Hilliard, Commissioner on the part of the Confederate States of America, subject to the confirmation of the two Governments;

Be it therefore resolved by the General Assembly of the State of Tennessee, That said league be in all respects ratified and confirmed, and the said General Assembly hereby pledges the faith and honor of the State of Tennessee to the faithful observance of the terms and conditions of said league.

The vote of the Senate, on the adoption of the above was-ayes 14, nays 6; not voting 4. The vote in the House was-ayes 42, nays 15; not voting 18.

GREAT SPEECH IN THE UNITED STATES SENATE ON THE WAR FOR THE UNION AFTER THE BATTLE OF BULL RUN.

On the 26th of July, 1861, Mr. Johnson, in the Senate of the United States, offered the following resolution defining the

OBJECTS OF THE WAR.

Resolved, That the present deplorable civil war has been forced upon the country by the disunionists of the Southern States, now in revolt against ihe constitutional government, and in arms around the Capitol; that, in this national emergency, Congress, banishing

all feeling of mere passion or resentment, will recollect only its duty to the whole country; that this war is not prosecuted upon our part in any spirit of oppression, nor for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, nor for the purpose of authorizing or interfering with the rights or established institutions of those States, but to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution and all laws made in pursuance thereof, and to preserve the Union, with all the dignity, equality, and rights of the several States, unimpaired; that as soon as these objects are accomplished, the war ought to cease.

After a spirited debate, the resolution was adopted-ayes 80; noes 5.

A similar resolution had been adopted by the House of Representatives, on motion of Hon. John J. Crittenden, of Kentucky, on the 22d of the same month.

THE WAR FOR THE UNION, JAN. 27TH.

The Senate having under consideration the joint resolution to approve and confirm certain acts of the President of the United States for suppressing insurrection and rebellion, Mr. Johnson, of Tennessee, said:

MR. PRESIDENT,-When I came from my home to the seat of Government, in compliance with the proclamation of the President of the United States calling us together in extra session, it was not my intention to engage in any of the discussions that might transpire in this body; but since the session began, in consequence of the course which things have taken, I feel unwilling to allow the Senate to adjourn without saying a few words in response to many things that have been submitted to the Senate since its session commenced. What little I shall say to-day will be without much method or order. I shall present the suggestions that occur to my mind, and shall endeavor to speak of the condition of the country as it is.

On returning here, we find ourselves, as we were when we adjourned last spring, in the midst of a civil war. That war is now progressing, without much hope or prospect of a speedy termination. It seems to me, Mr. President, that our Government has reached one of three periods through which all Governments must pass. A nation, or a people, have first to pass through a fierce ordeal in obtaining their independence or separation from the Government to which they were attached. In some instances this is a severe ordeal. We passed through such a one in the Revolution; we were seven years in effecting the separation, and in taking our position among the nations of the earth as a separate and distinct power. Then, after having succeeded in establishing its independence, and taken

its position among the nations of the earth, a nation must show its ability to maintain that position, that separate and distinct independence, against other powers, against foreign foes. In 1812, in the history of our Government, this ordeal commenced, and terminated in 1815.

There is still another trial through which a nation must pass. It has to contend against internal foes, against enemies at home; against those who have no confidence in its integrity, or in the institutions established under its organic law. We are in the midst of this third ordeal, and the problem now being solved before the nations of the earth, and before the people of the United States, is whether we can succeed in maintaining ourselves against the internal foes of the Government; whether we can succeed in putting down traitors and treason, and in establishing the great fact that we have a Government with sufficient strength to maintain its existence against whatever combination may be presented in opposition to it.

This brings me to a proposition laid down by the Executive in his recent message to the Congress of the United States. In that message the President said:

"This is essentially a people's contest. On the side of the Union, it is a struggle for maintaining in the world that form and substance of government, whose leading object is to elevate the condition of men; to lift artificial weights from all shoulders; to clear the paths of laudable pursuit for all; to afford all an unfettered start, and a fair chance in the race of life. Yielding to partial and temporary departures, from necessity, this is the leading object of the Government for whose existence we contend."

I think the question is fairly and properly stated by the President, that it is a struggle whether the people shall rule; whether the people shall have Government based upon their intelligence, upon their integrity, upon their purity of character, sufficient to govern themselves. I think this is the true issue; and the time has now arrived when the energies of the nation must be put forth, when there must be union and concert on the part of all those who agree in man's capability of self-government, without regard to their former divisions or party prejudices, in order to demonstrate that great proposition.

Since this discussion commenced, it has been urged and argued, by senators on one side, that there was a disposision to change the nature and character of the Government, and that, if we proceed as we are going, it would result in establishing a dictatorship. It has been said that the whole frame work, nature, genius, and character

of the Government would be entirely changed; and great apprehensions have been thrown out out that it would result in a consolidation of the Government, or a dictatorship. We find, in the speech delivered by the distinguished Senator from Kentucky (Mr. Breckinridge) the other day, the following paragraph, alluding to what will be the effect of the passage of this joint resolution approving the action of the President:

"Here in Washington, in Kentucky, in Missouri, everywhere where the authority of the President extends, in his discretion he will feel himself warranted, by the action of Congress upon this resolution, to subordinate the civil to the military power; to imprison citizens without warrant of law; to suspend the writ of habeas corpus; to establish martial law; to make seizures and searches without warrant; to suppress the press; to do all those acts which rest in the will and in the authority of a military commander. In my judg ment, sir, if we pass it, we are upon the eve of putting, so far as we can, in the hands of the President of the United States the power of a dictator."

Then, in reply to the Senator from Oregon (Mr. Baker), he seems to have great apprehension of a radical change in our form of government. The Senator goes on to say:

"The pregnant question, Mr. President, for us to decide is, whether the Constitution is to be respected in this struggle; whether we are to be called upon to follow the flag over the ruins of the Constitution? Without questioning the motives of any, I believe that the whole tendency of the present proceedings is to establish a government without limitation of powers, and to change radically our frame and character of government."

Sir, I most fully concur with the Senator that there is a great effort being made to change the nature and character of the Government. I think that effort is being demonstrated and manifested most clearly every day; but we differ as to the parties making this great effort.

The Senator alludes, in his speech, to a conversation he had with some very intelligent gentlemen who formerly represented our country abroad. It appears from that conversation that foreigners were accustomed to say to Americans, "I thought your Government existed by consent; now how is it to exist ?" and the reply was, “We intend to change it; we intend to adapt it to our condition; these old colonial geographical divisions and States will ultimately be rubbed out, and we shall have a Government strong and powerful enough." The Senator seemed to have great apprehensions based on those conversations. He read a paragraph from a paper indicating that State lines were to be rubbed out. In addition to all this,