did not sing peans to the Union, because it was not likely ever to be in any real danger. This sentiment was elicited in the debate on the Pacific Railroad, when among the reasons adduced for its construction was, that it would be 'a great bond of Union." Senator Johnson thought that if the Union hung together by no stronger tenure, it cer tainly would not survive. And this led him to the cry of Union saving that accompanied every matter brought before the public.

"The Union! the Union!' is the constant cry. Sir, I am for the Union; but in every little speech I have to make, I do not deem it necessary to sing peans and hosannas to the Union. I think the Union will stand uninterrupted; it will go on, as it has gone on, without my singing peans to it; and this thing of saving the Union, I will remark here, has been done so often that it has got to be entirely a business transaction. Every now and then, as Addison used to say, great men come up in clusters; and there seems to come up a cluster of individuals who are exceedingly anxious for immortality, either in this or the other world, perhaps in both, and they must get up a crisis; the different portions of the Union must be arrayed against each other, and it becomes necessary to save the Union. Hence there are compromises on one side and on the other; and they all come up and seem to make a sacrifice on the altar of their common country, and the Union is once more saved!"

"I have," said he, "never considered the Union yet in danger." He did not believe that all the factionists in the country or the Government could pull it to pieces or dissolve the bands that bound it together-bands of mutual interest, of patriotism, the idea and association of a common. suffering. He did not believe, to narrow the necessity even down to the selfish motives which are said to control men, that the sordid principle of self-interest could dissolve the Union. "I cannot be," he emphatically said; "it cannot be dissolved!"

He judged of others by the faith in his own head and heart. Knowing that the compact could not be legally broken by the band of disquiet and ambitious politicians

who were in the habit of bewildering their auditors and themselves with metaphysical theories on States' rights and periodically threatening to invoke the "God of battles," he could not, would not, allow himself to believe that, by persistent audacity and artifice, subdivisions of party could be so effected as to produce the desired contingency; and that even the high places of the Government could become so inoculated with infamy as to turn popular trust into parricidal treason.

His faith in the Union was too great, his pride in the bounty of its institutions, under which men like himself had risen to eminence, too glorious, to comprehend how a hand could be raised against it. This very faith and pride, however, but made him the stronger to face the crisis when it broke upon him in all its terrible reality.

Such were Senator Johnson's views on slavery up to the breaking out of the Rebellion. He could not, considering his relations with a Southern State, have said less. It showed remarkable strength in his own convictions not to have said more, especially when leading Northern Democrats, seeking political promotion, in and out of Congress-men like Benjamin F. Butler and Benjamin F. Hallett of Massachusetts, Daniel S. Dickinson of New York, Jesse D. Bright and Graham N. Fitch of Indiana, Jeremiah S. Black and William Bigler of Pennsylvania, Joseph Lane of Oregon, and others, outrivaled Southern leaders in devotion to Southern institutions. I refer to this fact, not to invite invidious criticism on many of the latter who have well served the Union cause since, but to show by contrast the independent and brave position of Andrew Johnson at the time. He gave slavery a respectful recognition and tolerant speech, when his Northern compeers chiefly studied and explained, and made capital by extolling it. But it was the fashion in those days to look for all wisdom and statesmanship in eminent Southern men and those who agreed with them. In

this connection, and as illustrative of Senator Johnson's individuality, his idea of John C. Calhoun has an interest. He not only did not think him infallible, but he denied him practical power as a politician.

"Mr. Calhoun had some peculiar notions about government; and if he were now living, he and all the men in the United States could not put a government into successful and practical operation under the system he laid down. He was a logician; he could reason from premise to conclusion with unerring certainty, but he was as often wrong in taking his premises as any body else. Admit his premises, and you were swept off by the conclusions; but look at his premises, and he was just as often wrong as any other statesman; and I think Mr. Calhoun was more of a politician than a statesman. Mr. Calhoun never possessed that class of mind that enabled him to found a great party. He founded a scct; and if he had been a religionist, he would have been a mere sectarian. He would never have gone beyond founding a sect peculiar to himself. His mind was metaphysical and logical, and he was a great man in his peculiar channel, but he might be more properly said to have founded a sect than a great national party.”

This free sketch of the South Carolina nullification idol was presented in the Senate just twelve days before the assembling in Charleston of the National Democratic Convention to nominate a candidate for the Presidency. The Democracy of Tennessee instructed their delegates to put the name of Andrew Johnson in nomination, which was accordingly done. Up to the thirty-sixth balloting he received the vote of his State, after which Mr. Ewing of Tennessee withdrew the name, in the hope of furthering the chances of a nomination. Previous to the balloting, there was great contention on the adoption of a platform, the Douglas doctrine of territorial sovereignty on the Slavery question prevailing, when the delegations of Alabama, Mississippi,

Florida, Texas, all of the Louisiana delegation except two, all of the South Carolina delegation except three, three of the Arkansas delegation, two of the Delaware delegation, and one from North Carolina, withdrew from the Conven-, tion. After sitting for ten days and finding it impossible to effect a nomination, the Convention adjourned on the 6th of May, to meet at Baltimore on the 18th June. On the first day of the re-assembling in Baltimore of the National Convention, Senator Johnson withdrew his name in the following letter to a leading member of the Tennessee delegation :

"WASHINGTON CITY, June 18, 1860.

"GENERAL SAMUEL MILLIGAN: Dear Sir-Whilst deeply thankful to you and your associate delegates in the National Convention for your support of my name as a candidate for the Presidency, indorsing and reflecting therein the honor done me by the State Convention of the Democracy of Tennessee, an honor and distinction given my name by the people whom I have served, and whose confidence is worthy of the best efforts and highest ambition of any man, yet in this hour of peril to the harmony and integrity of the Democratic party-in this hour of serious apprehension for the future welfare and perpetuity of our Government-I cannot and will not suffer my name to add to the difficulties and embarrassment of my friends. I feel that it is incumbent upon you, upon me, that every thing that can honorably and consistently be done should be done by us to secure unity and harmony of action, to the end that correct principles may be maintained, the preservation of the only national organization remaining continued, and, above all, that the Union, with the blessings, guarantees and protection of its Constitution, perpetuated for ever.

"That the Tennessee delegation may so act, and that in no contingency they may find themselves embarrassed by the action of our State in regard to myself, I desire through you to request that they will not present my name to the Convention at Baltimore, and to each of them tender my regards.

"I have the honor to be, etc.,

ANDREW JOHNSON."

CHAPTER IX.

JOHNSON'S COMPEERS IN THE UNITED STATES SENATE.

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PARTY Leaders in the Senate - Douglas, Crittenden, Seward and Davis – A Scene in the Senate - Crittenden Replying to Green Personal Sketch of Crittenden His Political Schooling - Defends it - The Oldest SenatorOn the Kansas Question - Defending his own Rights, learns to Defend those of others The Crittenden-Montgomery Bill The English Bill VotesCrittenden Opposes Slidell's Cuba Bill - Parting with the old Chamber: His Love for the Union - Patriarch of the Senate - Stephen A. DouglasLessons of his Life - His wide-spread Fame Chairman of the Committee on Territories - Early Grounds on Non-intervention by Congress with Slavery - Fundamental Principle of the Kansas-Nebraska Act-Bu chanan breaks Faith with it- Douglas stands by Popular Rights - Debate on "Lecompton" - Scene in the Senate when Douglas Spoke - His SpeechThe Duty of a Senator - The States and the Union - Presidential Tests of Party Fealty Senatorial Contest in Illinois - What he had to Contend with-Defeats Lincoln on the Senatorship - Lincoln Defeats him for the Presidency Hatred of Buchanan and the Disunionists for Douglas - Prophetic Views on the Rebellion - Visit and Advice to Lincoln - Wants two hundred thousand Men at the first call - His Last Words William H. Seward - His Distinguished Career from 1820- Governor of New YorkControversy with Virginia and Georgia touching Fugitive Slaves - Refuses to give up M'Leod the Ship-burner - The Advocate of Greeks, Hungarians and Irish opposed to Compromises of '50"Higher Law" and "Irrepressible Conflict" - On Lecompton - Character of his EloquenceJefferson Davis - Quincy Adams Prognosticates his Destruction --- Leaves Congress for the Mexican War - At Monterey - Noted Movement at Buenavista-Sir Colin Campbell Imitates Him - Refuses Commission of Brigadier on States-rights Grounds - Sent to the United States SenateRepudiates the Union Bank Bonds - Defeated by Henry S. Foote for Governorship of Mississippi - Advocates Franklin Pierce - Secretary of War, his Administration - Opposed to General Scott - His Power in and Use of the Cabinet-On a United South - Contemplates Disunion with Emotion at Pass Christian -- Feelings for the Flag - Dissolution before Submission - Views on Prominent Measures-In the Senate-Visits the NorthModified Sentiments - Views for North and South Union Address to Massachusetts-Disunion Address to Mississippi-As a Congressional Leader Hammond, Hunter, Mason, Toombs, Iverson, C. C. Clay, A. G. Brown, Slidell, Benjamin, Wigfall, the Characteristics and Manner of Davis.

BEFORE proceeding further with this narrative which now reaches the eve of the greatest events in the history