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places. It also embraces the condition of a twelve || which a large number of persons can be brought tomonths' residence prior to voting, which would gether with some prospect of immediate success, we necessarily exclude lodgers in a great number of notice all the schemes before the public. Intellectual cases, for they are a movable class, who enjoy and moral suffrage is now scarcely ever mentioned. their freedom with apparent zest.

It is considered as an unattainable degree of perfecUniversal suffrage is definite. It leaves little tion in politics, which those who sigh for will vainly room for cavilor doubt. If the parochial registrar | seek. That is its general character, and it is the worst has discharged his duty, a youth has merely to character, nearly, that a great political scheme could live on with the certainty of becoming qualified. possess. The general prevalence of this opinion must The Charter contains, indeed, a moral qualification lead to its realisation. People will not labour for, -it denudes those persons who may be convicted and will grow not to love, the unattainable ; and before of crime. That form of expression is very gene- the prevalent impression could be rubbed out, we gusral, and might be interpreted to include many | pect that a generation would be carried away. Expersons. The law might recognise, as crimes, trans- | cept for that fear, an intellectual and moral suffrage actions which are not at present within its grasp. carries many recommendations, and removes various Still, this system is more explicit than any other objections. The mere title conveys only a small idea project, and has received some support on that of the object sought. An intellectual suffrage might account alone, apart from all other considerations. || be fixed high; and the moral addendum might be comThose amongst its advocates, who believe that it plex and troublesome. Any legislators who had a will form the next step in advance, refuse to take desire to confuse the system, and render its working a single hop in any other direction, or to contem- || difficult, could propose means for that purpose;

but a plate any route to their journey's end except | simple and efficient scheme might be readily contrived. the straight path which they have chalked. They The art of reading and writing legibly would not prove probably forget the character of maukind; they a high intellectual suffrage ; and if its existence comseem never to have learned that men who cannat | pelled many persons living in a state of gross ignorance be driven may be led. They are unwilling to to remove that reproach, the world would be better finesse, and they have a heart-hatred of expedi- for a deed which had not made them worse. The ency. The franchise at twenty-five would be registries of England show that many males, to the deemed by them an invasion of natural privileges; extent of nearly two-fifths, sign with "a mark." The although there is nothing more natural in twenty-fact is infamous; and we believe nothing regarding one than in twenty or in twenty-two, in twenty, the fitness of these men to elect representatives on any five or in thirty. It is an arbitrary line adopted sound political reason. They might confide in their by the public for general convenience; but another || neighbours, and do well; exactly as a blind man may generation will have the same right to believe that follow his dog and be safe; but they cannot form males reach their majority at eighteen as we have an intelligent opinion on their own account. Wé to fix on twenty-one. Precedents exist; For the know that men have made money who were never purpose of the “chief magistracy” of the throne, || at school. Men have been known even to do a large eighteen was named as the majority of an illus- | business who could not write a day-book. We have trious lady. “All males from eighteen to sixty,” | met individuals who knew much of the world, past is the extreme call to arms, Eighteen is the verge, and present, and yet who could neither read nor write. on the cradle side of life, where militia liabilities Still, we have no reason to make a rule by deductions commence by our present law. Therefore many from phenomena, and we believe that few zealous arguments might exist for eighteen, while another friends for an extensive suffrage would deeply regret generation might take the next septennial period; if an intellectual suffrage, in the simplicity of merely and, for legislative purposes, some natious struck reading and writing, were conditional to any scheme the age qualification farther into life.

of making up the electoral roll, provided they could The public require merely a convenient rule obtain a guarantee for its fair administration. Many whereby they may attain self-government, and of them revert in argument to the natural right, and regarding which few good citizens shall be able to insist that it should not be broken; but they say, very say that they are excluded by circumstances over clearly, that the only natural right in the case is, the which they have no control. For this great end will of the majority, who have a right to make condi. of suffrage agitation, no necessity exists to stand tions calculated to improve individual happiness and stifly upon any prescribed mode. The object in to secure the public good. “Taxation without repreview being once reached, we need not quarrel re- sentation is tyranny,” is a saying that does not possess garding the way. To those parties who believe a literal but a general interpretation. Many persons that twenty-one has an exclusive claim for adop- | are taxed who can have no share in the appointtion, no alterpative remains, They are bound ||ment of representatives. Rich minors, of promising over by their creed to twenty-one, without any genius, possessed of great information, aged twenty change or compromise, and they cannot seek the years and eight months, may miss an election with adoption of a different system. The number of our septennial parliaments; and yet are not the objeets this class is comparatively few, and the great body of special tyranny. Females, in or out of business, of followers of twenty-one are merely jealous of who have no male delegate or representative, pay new schemes, because, having often been cheated taxes, and cannot be exempted; yet they are in past times, they are reluctant to run risks for || not electors, and very few individuals, indeed, prothe time to come.

pose to enfranchise them. We are not sufficiently Our object being to ascertain different means by limbued with Mahommedan dogmas to exouse their

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omission on the score of intellectual inferiority. The || to cross their names in the electoral rate, and suspend readers of this magazine could scarcely accept that them after two, three, or more transgressions, for a time. argument, for since its commencement it has been || If the majority adopt that rule; or if the present Pardeeply indebted to the pens of females for a great liament, or any similar Parliameut, in passing a sufproportion, probably one-half, of its most interesting frage bill, insert clauses of that nature, we can see papers. We see before us a rich treat in a scientific no great objection to their conduct. They will punish work, published anonymously, and yet unread. We a vice that increases our poor-rates, our police rates,

, expect great delight from its perusal, founded on the our criminal charges—and is, in fact, the cause of threeinstruction and pleasure derived from its predecessor. | fourths of the sums levied on these heads being requisite. Both volumes are written by a lady, who chooses at It has the office of paternity to alarge portion of our public present to conceal her name; but three-fourths of her | begging; it is closely connected with all the overreaders, or more, ascribe them to some active and elo-crowding, the straw beds, the gross ignorance, the quent professor, some gentleman in black, whom the incipient crime, the sanatory defects, and the fatal Government would have deemed a windfall for the epidemics of large towns. Drunken fathers, husbands, Chair of Natural History, in one of their new Irish brothers, and sons, made Thomas Hood's "Song of the colleges; and who would not have thanked them for Shirt.” They had more certainly to do with it than this presentation. The exclusion of females from the proprietors of shops for cheap needlework. They electoral lists must be defended on some other field have done more and worse than that; for they have than that of intellectual efforts; and is a matter of succeeded in making many drunken wives, sisters, convenience assented to, and enforced by, nine-tenths || mothers, and daughters; and females, once given over of the parties affected by its existence. We must to intemperance, are the most helpless and hopeless grasp the spirit of the old Saxon saying, that “taxa-specimens of a fallen and degraded humanity. No tion without representation is tyranny," instead of good objection, therefore, can be stated to any course losing time in splitting hairs or nice distinctions re- calculated to discourage this vice, and to affix a stigma regarding rights natural or acquired. The time has on its followers; but “the Charter" leaves this matter come to seek the rights ; and when they are obtained open, and casts on the legislature the responsibility if we can settle their characteristics at leisure. A fair|| it do not classify all crimes under their proper names. and full representation of the people will cover all that Our criminal law is in a most imperfect state, and the rule quoted requires, by whatever means that repre- | many positive crimes escape with a light punishment. sentation be obtained. The Charter itself embodies a To this intellectual and moral qualification for the moral qualification ; the claimant for the franchise || franchise we have given already space disproportioned must be unstained by crime. It does not clearly lay | to its chances of adoption under existing circumstances; down the law on this topic, which it broadly announces. || although both additions might be made with marked Is the man who has been convicted of crime to be advantage to any scheme of franchise, and both are permanently excluded from the rights and the roll of || under fair restrictions, and, in the way and to the extent citizenship; or must his exclusion run only during the we have described, quite practicable. currency of other parts of his sentence ? A different

The employment of the forty shillings freelold scheme from either of these might be adopted, and the qualification in England points the way to a measure, franchise could be withdrawn for a definite period in which, without being objectionable to any party, may addition to the punishment otherwise affixed to crime. form the basis of a compromise, on fair terms, of an These questions are not idle inquiries, tending to no intermediate system that may be made, if it works practical end; for they must be answered and cleared well

, and the country be brought into a prosperous away if ever the Charter be put in the form of a Par- || state, a final measure. The forty shillings freehold liamentary bill, under the care of the leader in the qualification is confined to England; but no rational House of Commons. They are practical questions for ground for opposing its extension to Ireland and Scotwhich those in charge of the measure must make prac-land exists. We may at once state here our insuper. tical answers, and put them in the statute if their || able objection to a bane already entering into, and movement be successful. A moral qualification must corrupting, the forty shillings franchise in England. always proceed upon the convictions of criminal courts. | Societies have been formed for the purpose of advancIt must differ materially from an intellectual qualifica- | ing money, by mortgage, on these freeholds. We care tion, although they are generally coupled. The intellec- | not whether these societies be under the patronage of tual must be an affirmative, and the moral a negative. || the Member for the West Riding, or the Member for The former must proceed on something possessed, and the Warwickshire. Even although both these honourable latter on something avoided. Other plans have been pro- gentlemen should have some responsibility for their exisposed, but they are all attended with insuperablc ob- || tence, yet their effect is only "swindling made easy." jections in principle, or serious difficulties in working. Political swindling is not considered quite so bad as The law must afford the test. For that purpose the the same article in trade, but we do not think it cal. law can be amended. Some persons have alleged, with | culated to improve public morals. This description of much apparent propriety, that a clever man who || qualification for the franchise should be free. Our squandered intemperately the money that should sup- | Saxon ancestors did not contemplate burthened freeport himself and his family in comfort, is an enemy to holds; and the procuration of forty shilling freeholders society, and a criminal. Their conclusion is inevita- who are debtors on their property, to a large extent, is ble; and we could see no sound reason for refusing, only another system of fictitious voting, similar to that or deferring to give the police a right to seize all practised in Scotch counties. drunkards seen in the act, to bring them before the All classes in the three kingdoms should have magistrate, to fine them, and, if the public consented, || liberty to qualify upon holdings of this nature, if they

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were not burthened by debts. The public know nothing || not judiciously buy land. He is ignorant of its ma. of private transactions, and cannot tell what money anagement; he las not even the pleasure of seeing man may be due on open accounts or bills; but when his property mismanaged. lIe cannot use, and he money is raised on the security of property, the latter should not speculate; he may lose his earnings, but should be deemed as alienated for any political pur- he is unlikely to increase his riches by that course. poses. One man may lend money to another man, For him, therefore, the liberal terms of the legislature or give him credit in business, on the understanding are offered in vain. The most sweeping clause of the that he possesses property, and with arrangements of Reform Bill does not include liim, although he may that nature the world is not concerned; but when || work laboriously or skilfully, and spend with equal property is put aside as a special security for a special care. For him some new scheme is therefore requisite. payment, the owner has no right to anticipate a quali-| He needs also some open door for getting fairly fication to vote on ground, or any other property, that and fully within the Constitution, upon easy terms; and really is no longer at his disposal. This rule should we believe that a plan can be devised for attaining be applicable in every case, and to all descriptions of this object, without infringing the principle of the forty property and qualifications connected with the legis. shilling franchise, but by fitting it into the present lature, so that our political system might be founded state of society. The principle adopted by the legison truth.

We assume, therefore, that the three king-lature, on the calculation that we have already given, doms may obtain this forty shillings franchise with is remarkably simple. A man is required to possess the provision which we have stated. Mr. Cobden told fifty pounds, not in cash, but in property. Any man, a Bradford audience that an American in Paris, to from a political purpose, may be enabled to exhibit whom he related the state of this qualification, held fifty sovereigns; but the law requires some proof that up his two hands in astonishment over the idea of an the property is his own. This is a very proper view Englishman complaining of exclusion from the franchise of the case, and we have already shown a disposition while this 40s. freehold system remained; and Mr. Cob. to have the law not relaxed, but tightened in that den shared this astonishment in some measure. The respect.

Still we can see no imaginable reason for qualification is good so far as it goes; but it cannot confining the qualification to land. At the period be obtained for its value in all localities; and in others when the forty shilling franchise came first into use, freeholds of this minitude cannot be obtained for money. || land formed almost the only permanent property, To many persons they are entirely useless, unless four and money was more valuable than now, of which or five owners can join together to let their portions we reap, so far as this qualification is concerned, some to one tenant. To other parties they are extremely advantage. Circumstances have now altered greatly, valuable, for they afford ground for a cottage, a cot. || and other descriptions of property are of equal imtage-garden, and a small allotment which can be well portance to the country as land-equally dependent wrought in leisure hours, aided even by children at on, and equally promotive of, its prosperity. On that school. Artisans in villages of all descriptions can account, other kinds of property should be invested render their freeholds economical possessions, if they with the power of conferring the franchise; and thus are obtained in the neighbourhood of their employ-|| all classes of society miglit profitably become voters. ment. Sobriety amongst the colliers would stud the Wc shall enumerate some of those investments that coal districts over with little ownerships and cottages might be advantageously added to freeholds. of this character, and cover many political qualifica- Deposits in savings banks, which are avowedly purtions, if the landowners would divide parts of their chases in the national funds, must be, for national estates for this purpose. The iron districts would be purposes, a peculiarly good investment on which to mapped off in the same wholesome style. Lanarkshire | found a qualification--better even than land itself; and Staffordshire might have several thousand voters because a more precarious property, although, at of this description. Tradesmen employed in rural || present, one perfectly secure. In this case, a deposit affairs could qualify with the same kind of property. 1 of £60 to £70 would be requisite to give a free annual All villages, or small towns in counties, should be sur- income of forty shillings; and £75 would not be too rounded with a belt or ring of freeholds. The move- || high a sum to fix as the equivalent of a forty shillings ment is in every way healthful. It binds the electors freehold—because a deposit can be readily converted to the soil

, and even to a particular locality. It into money, while land, perhaps, may not be easily would give employers security that the employed were sold when its owner requires to realise his means. in the right position—too rich to be trampled on, and the depositor would require to be otherwise qualified too much interested in their neighbourhood to become as to age, and the various conditions common in wantonly, insolent. It would give the state electors, every case; but then the deposit receipt, or his too namerous to be bought, and so far interested in the pass- book, intimating that he had that sum to country that they would necessarily give votes cal- || his credit for twelve months before enrolment, calated, in their opinion, to secure the public well-being. I should secure at once the entry of his name on the The men would have a stake, and to them a large electoral list, with liberty to vote next day, if an stake, in the land.

opportunity occurred. As he would vote upon this A very numerous class can never judiciously avail deposit, the production of his qualification should be themselves of this qualification; and some provision, on required whenever he desired again to exercise that the same principle, should be made for them. Upon privilege. He might be compelled to draw out his de. a twenty-five years' purchase, a freehold, to yield forty | posit, and, in that case, his privilege would cease, only shillings, must cost fifty pounds. The latter sum, in- | to be renewed if he again lodged a similar sum for the vested in the country, may therefore be considered as same period previous to voting. In the event of a the real qualification. An artisan in a large town can- I partial reduction of the sum of one-half for example

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the full amount would require to be re-invested for one-|| their increase, and make it a reproach, for a man who
half of the full period—and other sums drawn to be had enjoyed health and tolerable employment for several
re-lodged for a corresponding time, prior to the renewal years, not to be a voter and the owner of property.
of the qualification.

The legislation of the House of Commons perpetu. Building societies should furnish those members with ally affects labour, and it would be satisfactory to have a qualification who derive the requisite income from the opinions of the best men amongst the working their funds, under similar conditions and provisions to classes embodied in their votes. The friends of native those which we have already described as applicable to industry, on all sides of the house, would thus have an deposits in savings' banks. The money invested in opportunity of hearing the opinions of the industrious this instance, to yield a clear income of forty shillings, on their various projects, by the most constitutional should not exceed twenty-five years' purchase.

means. Property, although not freehold, should convey this. The objections of the disfranchised to this system of In Scotland a large amount of this property is held on suffrage would have great weight if the plan were a what may best be described as leases renewable for final settlement; but they would stand here on the ever, at an annual rental. In all those cases where ground which the Duke of Wellington said we occuthe real interest exceeds the annual feu duty by the pied regarding the corn laws--if the plan do not şum mentioned, the electoral privilege might be con- answer, we can change again. The only difference ceded. Wc deem that every species of property, between this property qualification and universal suf. fixed in the country, and not requisite in the manage- || frage is seven years on an average. The artisan who, ment of a man's business, or not used in his household, by the one scheme, would slip out of his indenture on but strictly to be regarded as economised, should be to the registry, would have, by the other, to fight his placed, for political purposes, on the footing of freelolds. | way-to deny and to discipline hinıself for seren years. We would even yield an equal privilege to annuitants A determined saving, week after week, of half-a-crown, from the national stocks, although that form of invest-|| would accomplish the object. If these savings were ment is commendable only in peculiar cases. To the the price of the franchise and freedom, it would holders of life policies current for a considerable period, | not be too high; but when they are to be made even although not of the value of £50, this right should for the benefit of the economist, for his own and his be conceded, because nothing can be more desirable family's independence, we see no hardship except the than the extension of this practice. All our readers delay of this septennial period. But how many sepmay know that £50 paid in premiums will not rendertennial periods have passed in the effort to obtain the à policy worth £50, An insurance company will not required extension of the suffrage ? Seven times repay all the money that they have received ; but an

seven years and more have passed away since the late arrangement of this matter could be easily accom-| Earl Grey, before he had attained a coronet, and while plished. We suggest the idea, which we once did for- a member of the House of Commons, introduced a merly, as the means of improving the position of the measure to enact universal suffrage. Aged men recall uuenfranchised, who desire political privileges, and the days of their youth and manhood--the period of gratifying their wishes in that respect at the same time. Henry Hunt, of William Cobbett, and Sir Francis The leading principle recommended by us now was also | Burdett, when they struggled from New-Year's Day to advocated in our pages a considerable period since. Christmas, in the hope that the next year would witTwelve months' reflection has confirmed our opinion | ness their great Reform Bill. We might easily now that the plan is practicable. The most extreme suf- || flatter hope by saying that next year, or the next, the fragists, who will take no step short of the great leap, barriers will be broken down ; but we know not that can derive no harm from the measure wbile it lasts. they will, and we say not that they will stand The Conservatives and Whigs, who are nervous from perpetually. Some of the recent continental effortş the fear of property being invaded, or vild measures have not been so successful as to warrant the being rapidly adopted, must be reassured by a franchise expectation that they will soon be imitated here. formed on the acquisition of property. They may beAnd yet in no quarter have the representatives lieve that fifty pounds is, to a man who has earned the of the people, chosen amid extreme excitemente şum by hard labour, no inconsiderable amount. He by a majority, adopted any measure adverse to will guard it with the care bestowed by the rich stock - the rights of property, injurious to the fundamental broker on thousands. They should not overlook the interests of society, or likely to confirm the evil imindirect advantages of the system. Many of the arti- | pressions regarding their policy entertained by their sans in this country struggle honourably to attain inde- || former rulers, and by many who only looked at and pendence. Forwhat other purpose are their benefit socie- watched European movements. But the blood shed, ties formed, and their building societies promoted? Why the misery caused, and the business prevented, by have they collected nearly thirty millions of money in political changes on the Continent, have damped the the national security savings banks? How is it that fceling in their favour here. The time is therefore whenever a system of life assurance suitable to their favourable to the adoption of a measure that would means has been offered, they have embraced it in con- make no violent change—that would teach as it enfran, siderable numbers? The desire for independence is | chised-give independence where it gave votes--- vould the prompting cause

all these cases, Such desires create habits of economy, and ensure respect for prowould be sharpened, and these efforts would be im- || perty-would animate with an honest ambition all thie measurably increased, by attaching to success the unenfranchised, and inspire them with self-reliance and reward of citizenship in its fullest meaning. The poor || perseverance, The indirect benefits of this plan are rates in the three countries are very high, and they more desirable than its direct results; for we believe are increasing rapidly. This measure would check ||it capable of gradually exhausting pauperism, as it

contributed to swell the number in possession of poli-||of hope and of independence, and put into possession tical rights. It would not work for some years with of a real and substantial interest in the empire; in adgreat rapidity; but each operation would have a double dition to the interest rhich all men feel who live under character, for all whom it elevated into the political its laws, contribute to its revenue, and have their emregistry would be listed from the probability of pau-ployment, where their fathers lived and died, within its perism, from the fear of degradation, into a position dominions.

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LIFE OF THE LATE DR. CHALMERS.*

: MANY years must have passed since the death of || kind for this work. He was in terms of the any man in Scotland excited that sad sensation most perfect intimacy with Dr. Chalmers, and he caused by the demise of Dr. Chalmers, and many has the most complete access, not merely to all Fears must pass again before death can produce a his papers, but to those of his opinions on public similar result by a single stroke; for we have no questions, that, though unwritten, must live in thereman with a character yet earned or formed, so collection of the members of his family. Dr. Hanna high in general estimation as that his removal is a native of Belfast; and although he was, prewould be felt in the same extent to be a national vious to the disruption, a parochial minister in the calamity. The circumstances' attendant on the Scotch Established Church, yet his freedom from death of Dr. Chalmers were well calculated to in- early prejudices and feelings may, on many topics erease its effect. The body with whom he was connected with Scotland, which will necessarily immediately associated had passed towards the come under his notice in the second and subsequent close of its annual assembly, when death came to volumes, enable him to adhere closely to the part him noiselessly, and without a warning. He lite- of a fair and candid historian. Dr. Chalmers' rally fell asleep; for, left at night in health, he was life is intimately woven into the history of all found at miorn in death. No premonitory symp- | national movements, from the day when he aided toms of bodily or mental weakness had prepared to form a small Bible Society at Kilmany, to his his friends for the loss that they were to sustain. last evidence on the site question, before a comHis pallid features bore no vestige of a struggle | mittee of the House of Commons. His biographer with the last enemy; and death, in this instance, I must have been, from his earliest years, acquainted was very like “translation." All men were sad. | with Scotch ecclesiastical movements : the son of dened by this change; for even those who were a minister who was long justly considered the leader aninfluenced by religious considerations, felt still of the evangelical party amongst the Irish Presby: that a man great in science, wielding an immense terians, and who retains, in extreme old age, no influence by the weight of personal character alone, small influence amongst that bouy ; Dr. Hanna of undoubted benevolence and pure motives, had must have grown up familiar with ecclesiastical passed away, and left a place that would not be proceedings and questions of ivterest in Scotch soon occupied. It was curious and instructive to 1 affairs, yet in a manner not so likely to warp the mark the haste with which death smoothed down judgment as might be fairly expected, and must feads, and healed animosities, amongst various be cautiously watched, in one who has lived religious bodies. Few men had erer mingled more amongst the actors in party movements from than Dr. Chalmers in polemical and semi-political infancy, and gradually imbibed strong opinia discussions. His opposition to any cause had been ons regarding them, even before his reason can long deemed a serious hindrance to its success. No have made an intelligent decision on their merits. party felt themselves safe before his inarked dis- Dr. Hanya is a particularly unobtrusive man, but approval, and many whom he opposed were irritated his literary abilities will enable him to use fully under his arguments. At some period of his long and well the rich materials in his power. As editor and active career, he had been led into opposition, of the North British Review, to which Dr. Chalmers nearly to all the various denominations, except regularly contributed, he had the best means of that with which he was at his death connected. | ascertaining his relative's impressions regarding Yet the general benevolence of his character had the current of events towards the close of his always soon effaced these breaches; and eren his life; and the last volume of the work is likely rebukes breathed a spirit of love and truth. The to be the most interesting. posthumous publication of several works, and espe- It may be considered a curious chain of cially of his short commentaries, has increased the events that has given the narration of this lifeesteem is which he was long regarded in religious that of Scotland's greatest son, in the first part eireles. We mention these circumstances as cal- ||--of our century, tj an Irish gentleman. It seems culated to increase the responsibility of his bio- | to accord completely with one of those objects grapher.

that we know to have been very near to Dr. It was some time since announced that his | Chalmers' heart in his lifetime, the strengthen life would be written by his son-in-law, Dr. Hanna, || ing of the link that once, more obviously even and he has several qualifications of special than now, bound Ulster to Scotland, and Scotland

Vol. I. · Edinburgh ; Sutherland & Knox,

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