into Egypt and took control, and, as the result of her control, built good roads, established good schools, lightened heavy taxes, made labor freer, and opened the whole country to the advance of civilization and the development of man-though she did it by the bombarding of Alexandria in the beginning, and though she holds her power to-day by the sword-to call that also a war of conquest is to confound by a common name two things that have nothing in common.

I do not know whether General Kitchener has carried on his campaign with all the humanities with which it ought to be carried on. I do not know whether it has been justified in the details of administration or not. But this I know, that when his work is done, and the great railroad runs from Cairo to the Cape, with branches to the Congo River on the west and the Gulf of Arabia on the east, and when a telegraph line runs along the railroad, slavery and the slave-trade and the cruelties of the old barbarism will disappear, and the "Darkest Continent" will be dark no more. Why not put the college first and the soldiers afterward? Because you cannot found a college unless you have law to protect it; because first is law, and under law, force, and, built on law maintained by force, the whole fabric of civilization rests.

II

THE REBELLION OF THE FILIPINOS

On the fifteenth of last February our representatives were in control of the government of Manila, and responsible for the protection of life and property within that city. Whether we had blundered into that responsibility is a question which I do not now discuss; I am not here to argue the Philippine problem, so-called.

But it is true that last February the lives and the property of the people who lived in Manila did, in fact, depend on General Otis. On the fifth of that month our troops surrounding that city for its protection were attacked; fighting ensued; and ten days later the following proclamation was issued from the so-called Malolos government, issued by an important officer of the insurgent government for execution the night of February 15, 1899:

"First, you will so dispose that at eight o'clock at night the individuals of the territorial militia at your order will be found united in all of the streets of San Pedro, armed with bolos and revolvers, or guns and ammunition if convenient. Second, Philippine families only will be respected; they should not be molested, but all other individuals, of what race they may be, will be exterminated without apprisement. Brothers, we must avenge ourselves on the Americans, and exterminate them that we may take our revenge for the infamy and treachery which they have committed upon us; have no compassion upon them; attack with vigor. Death to the tyrants! War without quarter to the false Americans who have deceived us! Either independence or death!"

A week later fire was set by incendiaries at various points in Manila, simultaneously with a new attempt to break through our lines. What would you have done if you had been General Otis, in command of those forces? I would have done what he did. I would have protected the city intrusted to my charge from those who threatened indiscriminate assassination and arson, and I would have sought, at every cost and hazard, to find the leader of the forces by whose authority that proclamation was issued, and to arrest him wherever he might be. To call this a war of conquest, to put it in parallel lines with a war such as that of Spain in Cuba, carried on for the purposes of robbery, is to con

found by the same name things that have nothing in

common.

When we have laid the foundations for civilization by law, established and maintained against the lawless, then we must pour into the uncivilized regions the forces that make for civilization. We must follow the force that compels obedience with the forces that make for life. We must do it in the family, we must do it in the school, we must do it in the city and the State, and we must do it among the nations of the earth. Where, therefore, we have established the foundations of law, there we must see that the free press, the free school, free industry, and a free church go also. Woe to us Christian men and women if in this hour, when the world is opening to us, when the gates are flung apart and law is being established where law never was known before-woe to us if we have no message, or no courage to send our message!

This is what I have to say. Ponder it. Something you will agree with, something you will disagree with; but think about it. If I am wrong, the sooner the wrong is exposed the better for me. This is what I have to say: God is bringing the nations together. We must establish courts of reason for the settlement of controversies between civilized nations. We must maintain a force sufficient to preserve law and order among barbaric nations; and we have small need of an army for any other purpose. We must follow the maintenance of law and the establishment of order and the foundations of civilization with the vitalizing forces that make for civilization. And we must constantly direct our purpose and our policies to the time when the whole world shall have become civilized; when men, families, communities, will yield to reason and to conscience. And then we will draw our sword from its sheath and fling it out into the sea, rejoicing that it is gone forever.

JAMES B. ANGELL

[Extracts from a speech delivered at the Peace Jubilee, Chicago, November 19, 1898.]

I.

WAR AND ARBITRATION

IT may seem to some that any reference to the subject assigned to me must strike a dissonant note in the pæans of victory which are thrilling our hearts at this hour. While this hall is ringing with the praises of the‍ great captains who honor us with their presence tonight, and of their comrades and followers, and with the praises of the brilliant naval commanders who, with their gallant sailors, have won the admiration of the world for our navy, and with the praises of the wise commander-in-chief of our armies and navies, who has presided over the conduct of the war with such consummate skill, to attempt to direct your attention to the tame and hackneyed theme of arbitration, to the quiet methods of settling international difficulties by the noiseless procedure of arbitration, may appear like appointing a Quaker meeting on the edge of a battlefield.

But when I remember that no brave American fights from delight in carnage, but only to secure an honorable peace; when I remember that the great captain, General Grant, who knew well both the glories and the horrors of war, declared that he looked forward with hope and delight to an epoch when a court should settle international differences; when I remember how

President McKinley received the plaudits of the whole civilized world for so long employing every resource at his command to secure from Spain by peaceful measures what he was reluctantly compelled at last to demand at the cannon's mouth; when I remember that he seized the first auspicious moment to make an armistice and open the doors of peaceful negotiation for the complete settlement of all questions in dispute, I venture to hope that the subject is not altogether inopportune.

All nations have now learned that America shrinks not from war, if it is necessary, but that, in a magnanimous though self-respecting spirit, she loves, more than the glamour of victorious war, an honorable peace with all mankind. And indeed, we are summoned here to-night not to celebrate a war jubilee, but a jubilee of peace, of white-winged peace, on which the very spirits of heaven must look down with delight.

In four wars we have established our fame as a martial race. No nation now questions that, or will ever again recklessly lay hand on us. But we have won laurels in peace not less glorious than those we have won in war, by our brilliant efforts in mitigating the evils of war, by setting the example to the world, from the days of Washington, of guarding the rights and discharging the duties of neutrals, and by seeking, through Marcy, forty years ago, to abolish privateering and to exempt private property from seizure on the We have become fairly entitled to be known as the nation of arbitrators by the fact that, either as one of the principals or as an umpire, we have had part in nearly a hundred arbitrations. Two of them, that at Geneva to settle the Alabama claims and that at Paris to adjust the Bering Sea question, were perhaps the most important in history. Not one of our arbitrations. has failed to stand, except when it was unsatisfactory to both parties.

sea.