We shall oppose for re-election all who, in the White House or in Congress, betray American liberty in pursuit of un-American ends. We still hope that both our great political parties will support and defend the Declaration of Independence in the closing campaign of the century.

We hold with Abraham Lincoln, that "no man is good enough to govern another man without that other's consent." When the white man governs himself, that is self-government; but when he governs himself and also governs another man, that is more than self-government-that is despotism. Our reliance is in the laws of liberty, which God has planted in us. Our defence is in the spirit which prizes liberty as the heritage of all men in all lands everywhere. Those who deny freedom to others deserve it not for themselves, and under a just God cannot long retain it. We cordially invite the co-operation of all men and women who remain loyal to the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States.

CHARLES EMORY SMITH

THE WAR FOR HUMANITY.

[Delivered at the Peace Jubilee, Chicago, October 16, 1898.]

WE have just emerged from a short, but momentous war, whose transcendent events have spanned the whole wide horizon of this world, and have unveiled a new destiny for this country. This war has been altogether unique, exceptional, and remarkable in the annals of mankind. The American people make war as they make peace, according to their own peculiar principle and their own ideals. There never was a war made under such circumstances and under such conditions as that upon which we entered last April. We did not make war or accept war for conquest, for power, or for glory. We made war simply and solely for humanity and justice. We did not make it for ourselves, or for our own aggrandizement, but we made it for a longsuffering people, entirely outside of our own domain.

For years the oppressed people of Armenia had been lifting their piteous appeal, through the awful slaughter of 80,000 innocents, and Europe stood absolutely unmoved and lifted no hand. But when havoc and desolation and destruction, when the torch and the sword stalked through the fair island of Cuba, and demanded the interference of this country in the name of humanity, we could not remain silent. The President of the United States, who loves peace better than he loves war, and who has no aspiration for the glory of martial achievements, sought to avert the con

flict and accomplish the results upon which the American heart was set without the necessity of war. For long weeks he labored, by all the arts of diplomacy and the exercise of high statesmanship, to save this people from bloodshed, and yet to rescue the people of Cuba from the oppressive hand of Spain.

When at last the war became inevitable, he entered upon the war with the same earnestness, the same vigor, and the same power with which he had sought to conduct this country through the times of peace. With a sureness of aim that was unerring, with a directness that was unfaltering, with a breadth and sweep of success that was absolutely unbroken, we entered upon this war and prosecuted it, so that in August we were celebrating peace. Here we are five months only from the time the tocsin sounded, and the echoes of that glorious May-day, when the heroic Dewey steamed into the harbor of Manila, defiant equally of mine and of fort, and won the greatest seafight of modern times, are still ringing in our ears and thrilling our hearts. The triumphs of Santiago, on land and on sea, added no less lustre to our arms.

In April, as we entered upon this contest, every man was asking whether it would last one year or two, or more; every man was asking himself what reverses and what sacrifices we must suffer before we could achieve the ultimate triumph in which we all had implicit faith. Every man was asking himself which of our great war-ships would it be the Oregon, or the Texas, or the Iowa, or the Massachusetts-that would follow the fate of the Maine in this contest, and go to the bottom of the sea, for surely we could not go through the war without some loss on our part. And yet, within less than one hundred days, after brilliant campaigns in two hemispheres, after completely annihilating two Spanish fleets and accepting the surrender of two Spanish armies; after

absolutely obliterating the power of Spain on the sea and extinguishing the colonial remains of Spain on land, we come to a climax of triumph which stands absolutely unparalleled in history—a triumph which in the splendor of its character and in the far-reaching extent of its influence is absolutely unprecedented. A hundred days of war, and civilization, measured by the influence which is to be exercised in far-distant climes, carried forward not less than one hundred years.

We have taken a new position in the great family of nations. We have stepped out upon the broad stage of the world's action, and have become one of the great powers. We have advanced from continental domain to world-wide influence. We have emerged from a restricted sphere into the arena of the world's activities, and the whole world to-day recognizes that the American Republic holds such a position as it has never held before. We have not only commanded the new recognition of our position on the part of the world, but we now know ourselves better than we ever knew ourselves before. We know the things of which we are capable; we know the stuff of which the American people are made. We have reunited our country and brought North and South together as they have not been since those early days when the Puritan and the Cavalier shed their blood on the field of Yorktown. We have seen the men who came from the prairies and the men from the brownstone mansions all upholding this flag of ours. We have learned that the manhood and the strength of the American character still remain. We have risen to a new conception of our national possibilities and our national greatness.

We all feel the blood of true patriotism leap in our veins. We are all prouder to be Americans, and all have a broader and truer understanding of the greatness of our country and of the grander destiny which lies before the American people. And it is worth more

than all the cost of the war to have had this revelation of the character of the people and the possibilities of our great Republic brought thus home to our hearts and our minds. It remains for us to recognize that we have great problems in peace, as we had great problems in war; but I am sure I do not misinterpret the spirit of this assemblage when I say that just as you followed and trusted the President of the United States during these trying times, so you expect him to lead you in the work of peace, and to determine what the position and attitude of this Republic shall be.

A year ago it was my fortune to be at Newport when nearly two hundred pleasure-craft, many since converted into fighters, and some of the great war-ships of the nation, were assembled in that harbor. Ten thousand Chinese lanterns made a fairy-scene of beauty. Suddenly, far above the myriad lights on sea and shore, on the topmost mast of the commodore's boat, since made illustrious as the invincible Gloucester, under the gallant Wainwright, the bright Stars and Stripes of Old Glory burst forth under the glittering rays of the keenest search-light, with a splendor of coloring, all the more brilliant against the background of darkblue sky, and all the cannon boomed a tribute to the new lustre which the flag seemed to gain under such circumstances. And so the search-light of the great events through which we have passed has given a new glory and meaning to the flag, and it is for us, as American citizens, to be worthy of the mission upon which we enter.