Sir, I wish it were possible for us to convey to the people of the United States an adequate idea of the depth and universality of the feeling which this sad event has occasioned in this country. From the highest to the lowest there has been but one feeling entertained. Her Majesty's Minister at Washington will, in obedience to the Queen's commands, convey to the Government of the United States an expression of the feelings of Her Majesty, and of Her Majesty's Government, on this deplorable event. And Her Majesty, with that tender consideration which she has always evinced for the sorrows and sufferings of others, in whatever rank and station, has, with her own hand, written a letter to Mrs. Lincoln, conveying the heartfelt sympathy of a widow to a widow, suffering from an overwhelming calamity that has so suddenly come upon her. From every part of this country, and from every class of the community, one voice is now raised, - a voice of abhorrence at the crime, and of sympathy and interest in that country which has this great loss to mourn. The British residents in the United States have met, as may have been expected, to express their feelings against the crime committed; and we read that our British North-American Colonies are vieing with each other to give expression to the same sentiments of sympathy. And not only is it from men of that race which is connected with the inhabitants of the United States by the tie of origin, language, and blood, that a feeling of this kind arises; but I believe that every country in Europe is giving expression to the same sentiments, and sending them to the Government of the United States. But I am sure, therefore, I am not wrong in anticipating, that this House, in the name of the people of England, of the people of Scotland, and of the people of Ireland, will be anxious to record its expression of the same sentiments and feelings to the Government of the United States. Of this I am confident, that this House could never more fully and never more

adequately represent the feelings of the people of this United Kingdom than by agreeing to the address which it is now, Sir, my duty to move, expressing to Her Majesty our sorrow and indignation at the assassination of the President of the United States, and praying Her Majesty, in conveying her own sentiments to the Government of that country upon this deplorable event, that she will express at the same time upon the part of this House their abhorrence of the crime, and their sympathy with the Government and the people of the United States, in the deep affliction into which they have been plunged.

London Daily News, May 2, 1865.

LETTER FROM JOHN STUART MILL;

TO A FRIEND IN PHILADELPHIA, PA.

DEA

AVIGNON, May 13, 1865.

EAR SIR,- I had scarcely received your note of April 8, so full of calm joy in the splendid prospect now opening to your country, and through it to the world, when the news came that an atrocious crime had struck down the great citizen who had afforded so noble an example of the qualities befitting the first magistrate of a free people, and who, in the most trying circumstances, had gradually won, not only the admiration, but almost the personal affection of all who love freedom or appreciate simplicity and uprightness. But the loss is ours, not his. It was impossible to have wished him a better end, than to add the crown of martyrdom to his other honors, and to live in the memory of a great nation as those only live who have not only labored for their country, but died for it. And he did live to see the cause triumphant, and the contest virtually over. How different would our feelings now be if this fate had overtaken him, as it might so easily have done, a month sooner!

In England, horror of the crime, and sympathy with your loss, seem to be almost universal, even among those who have disgraced their country by wishing success to the slaveholders. I hope the manifestations which were instantaneously made there

in almost every quarter may be received in America as some kind. of atonement, or peace offering. I have never believed that there was any real danger of a quarrel between the two countries; but it is of immense importance that we should be firm friends: and this is our natural state; for, though there is a portion of the higher and middle classes of Great Britain who so dread and hate democracy that they cannot wish prosperity and power to a democratic people, I sincerely believe that this feeling is not general, even in our privileged classes. Most of the dislike and suspicion which have existed towards the United States were the effect of pure ignorance,- ignorance of your history, and ignorance of your feeling and disposition as a people. It is difficult for you to believe that this ignorance could be as dense as it really was. But the late events have begun to dissipate it; and, if your Government and people act as I fully believe they will in regard to the important questions which now await them, there will be no fear of their being ever again so grossly misunderstood, at least in the lives of the present generation.

I

you

As to the mode of dealing with these great questions, it does not become a foreigner to advise those who know the exigencies of the case so much better than he does. But as so many of my countrymen are volunteering advice to you at this crisis, perhaps may be forgiven if I offer mine the contrary way. Every one is eagerly inculcating gentleness, and only gentleness, as if had shown any signs of a disposition to take a savage revenge. I have always been afraid of one thing only, that you would be too gentle. I should be sorry to see any life taken after the war is over (except those of the assassins), or any evil inflicted in mere vengeance; but one thing I hope will be considered absolutely necessary, to break altogether the power of the slaveholding caste. Unless this is done, the abolition of slavery will be merely nominal. If an aristocracy of ex-slaveholders remain masters of the State

Legislatures, they will be able effectually to nullify a great part of the result which has been so dearly bought by the blood of the Free States. They and their dependants must be effectually outnumbered at the polling places; which can only be effected by the concession of full equality of political rights to negroes, and by a large immigration of settlers from the North: both of them. being made independent by the ownership of land. With these things, in addition to the Constitutional Amendment (which will enable the Supreme Court to set aside any State legislation tending to bring back slavery in disguise), the cause of freedom is safe, and the opening words of the Declaration of Independence will cease to be a reproach to the nation founded by its authors.