We have ever reaped the fruits of your constant lovingkindness and favor. We have long been free from the iron yoke of wolfish bishops. We have sitten dry from the blood spilt by the wars in our native country. We have not felt the new chains of Presbyterian tyrants; nor, in this colony, have we been consumed by the overzealous fire of the (so called) godly Christian magistrate. We have not known what an excise means; we have almost forgotten what tithes are. We have long drunk of as great liberties as any people that we can hear of under the whole heavens. When we are gone, our posterity and children after us shall read in our town records your loving-kindness to us, and our real endeavor after peace and righteousness." "1

Good foundation these for making a population to guarantee slavery!

Speaking of the population of Virginia, Mr. Bancroft remarks,

"But the distinctions of society were more marked by the character of the plebeian population of Virginia. Many of them had reached the shores of Virginia as servants, doomed, according to the severe laws of that age, to a temporary servitude. Some of them even were convicts; but it must be remembered the crimes of which they were convicted were chiefly political. The number transported to Virginia for social crimes was never considerable, scarcely enough to sustain the sentiment of pride in its scorn of the laboring population, certainly not enough to affect its character. Yet the division of society into two classes was strongly marked, in a degree unequaled in any northern colony, and unmitigated by public care for education. The system of common

'Bancroft's History of the United States, vol. i. p.

428.

schools was unknown. Every man,' says Sir William Berkley, in 1671, 'instructs his children according to his ability,' a method which left the children of the ignorant to hopeless ignorance.

“The instincts of aristocracy dreaded the general diffusion of intelligence, and even the enfranchising influence of the preaching of the ministers. The ministers,' continues Sir William, in the spirit of the aristocracy of the Tudors, should pray oftener, and preach less. But I thank God there are no free schools nor printing; and I hope we shall not have these hundred years; for learning has brought disobedience, and heresy, and sects, into the world, and printing has divulged them, and libels against the best government. God keep us from both.'" 1

A wish many, we suspect, even in Virginia, begin to think has been brought too literally to pass. But Mr. Bancroft continues:

66

'Thus, in addition to the difficulties which the degraded castes of servants encountered in their endeavors to lift themselves into distinction, the power of the government was exerted to depress whole classes of society. We rightly abhor the envy which delights in debasing excellence; it is a still greater crime against humanity, to combine against the masses in their struggle for intellectual and social advancement.

"Still, servants were emancipated when their years of servitude were ended; and the law was designed to secure and hasten their enfranchisement.”

"The facility of escape compelled humane treatment to white servants."

"Towards the negro, the laws were less tolerant. The statute which declares who were slaves followed

' Bancroft's History of the United States, vol. i. p. 191.

the old idea long prevalent through Christendom: All persons, not being Christians, imported into this country by shipping, shall be slaves.' Yet it was added, 'Conversion to the Christian faith does not make free.'

In reading such passages, one can hardly help exclaiming, how little was, and even is, Christianity understood! But he says,

"The early Anglo-Saxon rule interpreted every doubtful question in favor of liberty-declared the children of freemen to be free. Virginia was humane towards the white race was severe towards the negro. Doubts arose if the offspring of an Englishman by a negro woman should be bond or free; and the rule of the Roman law prevailed over the Anglo-Saxon: the offspring followed the destiny of its mother."

A greater barbarity could not be inflicted, as we have some where else remarked. The passing of the children, by the ancient heathen nations, through fire, in the worship of Moloch, is not to be compared to it in iniquity.

"Enfranchisement of the colored population was not encouraged. The female slave was not subject to taxation; the emancipated negress was tithable." "The death of a slave was not accounted a felony, since it cannot be presumed [such is the language of the statute] 'that prepensed malice, which alone makes murder felony, should induce any man to destroy his own estate.' The legislator did not understand human passions. No such opinions now prevail. Finally, it was made lawful for 'persons pursuing fugitive colored slaves to wound or even to kill them;' 'the master

was absolute lord of the negro,' (1672.) 'After a long series of years the institution of slavery renewed a landed aristocracy, closely resembling the feudal nobility; the culminating point (1705) was when slaves were declared to be real estate, and (1725) might be constituted adscripts to the soil.""

From these circumstances, Mr. Bancroft attributes the aspirations of the people of that State to the government of the country, and, from the developements that are now making every day, we may add, the anxiety now exhibited by our southern people to rule the land may be attributed to the same unhallowed source; and if the people of the North do not awake from that lethargy which seems to hang over a great portion of the people, the same causes that operated to create an aristocracy at the South will, before they are aware, bind them with fetters which will take more than a Hercules to sever; and this continent, instead of being what our fathers designed it a home for the oppressed, and a dwelling-place for the free will be but the prison-house for the slave and that of the lordly tyrant, where each will dread the other's presence, and that of ravening wolves will be the characteristic of its inhabitants..

In 1685, during the Monmouth rebellion, many of the convicts were sent to this country, and, "such was the demand for labor, convicts and laborers were regularly purchased and shipped to the colonies, where they were sold for indented servants: the courtiers round James II. exulted in

the rich harvest which the rebellion promised, and begged of the monarch frequent gifts of their condemned countrymen. Jeffers heard of the scramble, and indignantly addressed the king: 'I beseech your majesty, that I may inform your majesty that each prisoner will be worth ten pounds, if not fifteen pounds, apiece; and, sire, if your majesty orders as you have already designed, persons that have not suffered in the service will run away with the booty.' At length the spoils were distributed. They were in part persons of family and education, accustomed to elegance and 'Take all care,' wrote the monarch, under the countersign of Sunderland, to the government in Virginia' take all care that they continue ten years, at least, and that they be not permitted in any manner to redeem themselves by money or otherwise, until that term be fully expired. Prepare a bill for the assembly of our colony with such clauses as shall be requisite for this purpose.' No Virginia legislature sanctioned such malice, and in December, 1689, the exiles were pardoned.”

ease.

Perhaps it may be well to stop here and note there were, in Virginia at least, other bondmen beside negro slaves; and the fact of there being such men, and also those who had sold their time, and, consequently, who were indebted to the individual who had bought it, suggested to the minds of the framers of the Constitution the wording of the clause that relates to the running away of a person from service, and in strict language can be applied to none other. Whatever may have been