Mr. Randolph, Mr. Innes, Mr. Henry Lee, and Mr. Corbin ; " but, although opposed by such "fearful odds," he continued the discussion for twenty days, with but three auxiliaries.

"The objection that the Constitution substituted a consolidated in lieu of a confederated government, and that this new consolidated government threatened the total annihilation of the State sovereignties, was pressed by him with the most masterly power. He said there was no necessity for the change of government so entire and fundamental, and no inducement to it, unless it was to be found in this splendid government, which, we were told, was to make us a great and mighty people. • We have no details,' said he, of these great considerations, which, in my opinion, ought to have abounded before we should recur to a government of this kind. Here is a revolution as radical as that which separated us from Great Britain. It is as radical, if in this transition our rights and privileges are endangered, and the sovereignty of the States be relinquished; and cannot we plainly see that this is actually the case? The rights of conscience, trial by jury, liberty of the press, all of our immunities and franchises, all pretensions to human rights and privileges, are rendered insecure, if not lost, by this change, so loudly talked of by some, and so inconsiderately by others. Is this tame relinquishment of rights worthy of freemen? Is it worthy of that manly fortitude that ought to characterize republicans?" "You are not to inquire how your trade may be increased, nor how you are to become a great and powerful people, but how your liberties can be secured; for liberty ought to be the direct end of your government. necessary should abandon you these great rights, by the adoption of this system?"...

....

Is it

for

your

liberties that

"Liberty, the greatest of all earthly blessings,

66

give

us that precious jewel, and you may take every thing else." Perhaps an invincible attachment to the dearest rights of man may, in these refined, enlightened days, be deemed old-fashioned if so, I am contented to be so. I say the time has been when every pulse of my heart beat for American liberty, and which I believe had a counterpart in the breast of every true American." 1

After stating his patriotism was suspected, and it had been declared on the opposite side those suspicions were groundless, he says, —

"Guard with jealous attention the public liberty. Suspect every one who approaches that jewel. Unfortunately nothing will preserve it but downright force: whenever you give up that force, you are inevitably ruined. I am answered by gentlemen, that, though I might speak of terrors, yet the fact was, we were surrounded by none of the dangers I apprehended. I conceive this new government to be one of those dangers: it has produced those horrors which distress many of our best citizens. We are come hither to preserve the poor commonwealth of Virginia, if it can be possibly done something must be done to preserve your liberty and mine. The confederation, this same despised government, merits, in my opinion, the highest encomium : it carried us through a long and dangerous war,- it rendered us victorious in that bloody conflict with a powerful nation, it has secured us a territory greater than any European monarch possesses, and shall a government that has been thus strong and vigorous be accused of imbecility, and abandoned for the want of

1 Wirt's Life of Patrick Henry, p. 288.

energy? Consider what you are about to do before you part with this government. Take longer time in reckoning things. Revolutions like this have happened in almost every country in Europe; similar examples are to be found in ancient Greece and ancient Rome, — instances of people losing their liberty by their own carelessness and the ambition of a few. We are cautioned by the gentleman who presided against faction and turbulence. I acknowledge that licentiousness is dangerous, and that it ought to be provided against: I acknowledge that the new form of government may effectually prevent it. Yet there is another thing it will as effectually do it will oppress and ruin the people. There are sufficient guards placed against faction and licentiousness; for, where power is given to this government to suppress these, or for any other purpose, the language it assumes is clear, express, and unequivocal; but, when this Constitution speaks of privileges, there is an ambiguity, sir,— a fatal ambiguity, which is very astonishing.” 1

It had been urged it would increase the military strength of the country; and, if the convention rose without adopting the instrument, "disunion and anarchy would be the consequence:" in answer to them he said,

66

Happy will you be, if you miss the fate of those nations who, omitting to resist their oppressors, or negligently suffered their liberty to be wrested from them, have groaned under intolerable despotism! Most of the human race are now in this condition. And those nations who have gone in search of grandeur, power, and splendor, have also fallen a sacrifice, and been the victims of their

1 Wirt's Life of Patrick Henry, p. 290.

own folly. While they have acquired those visionary blessings, they have lost their freedom."

2

Is

In alluding to the strength which the power of the militia would give the government, he said, "This acquisition will trample on your fallen liberties!" He wanted his "beloved Americans " to be guarded against such lethargy; and he asked, where was there any danger now? "Other gentlemen have told us, within these walls, that the union is gone, or that the union will be gone. not this trifling with the judgment of their fellowcitizens? Till they tell us the ground of their fears, I will consider them as imaginary." He thought he could appeal to the patriotism of the American people with perfect safety; and observed how completely they had been submissive to the laws throughout its struggle. There was no danger from Europe, and he thought he could trust the American spirit, and that the dangers they apprehended were all ideal.

He objected to the mode of amending the Constitution; he thought a majority of the people ought to have the power of making amendments, as they should judge most conducive to the public weal, as it had been set forth in the Virginia bill of rights; but, as the Constitution was, one tenth part of the people could prevent any amendment. He called it a contemptible minority, and contrary to the spirit of democracy; and if "gentlemen standing on this ground have come to that point, — are

Wirt's Life of Patrick Henry, p. 291.. 2 Idem, p. 292.

willing to bind themselves and their posterity to be oppressed," he "was amazed and inexpressibly astonished!" It appeared to him perilous and destructive; and, if thus left, their liberties are gone forever. He alluded to the practice of bribing in England; but observed that "English liberty is on a firmer foundation than American liberty. It will be easily contrived to procure the opposition of one tenth of the people to any alterations, however judicious." It had been said it was in the power of the people to assemble in convention, and recall their delegated power, and punish their serHe ridiculed this idea.

vants.

"O, sir, we should have fine times indeed, if, to punish tyrants, it was only necessary to assemble the people! Your own arms wherewith you could defend yourselves are gone, and you have no longer an aristocratical or democratical spirit!"... "You read a riot act in one of the freest countries in the world, where a few neighbors cannot assemble without the risk of being shot by a hired soldiery, the engines of despotism. We may see such an act in America. A standing army we shall have, also, to execute the commands of tyranny, [we hope this prophecy will not be fulfilled;] and how are we to punish them? Will you order them to be punished? Who shall obey these orders? Will your mace-bearer be a match for a disciplined regiment? In what situation are we to be? The clause before you gives the power of direct taxation unbounded and unlimited; exclusive power of legislating in all cases whatsoever for the ten miles square, and over all places purchased for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock-yards, &c. What resistance could be made? The attempt would be madness. You will find all the strength of this