poses, as if they had been abiding and born within the realm of England."

There were three other resolutions, which referred to taxation, one declaring where the power laid, viz. that the "taxation of the people by themselves" "is the distinguishing characteristic of British freedom;" another, that it was invested in the people; and another, that the colonies had enjoyed the right of taxing themselves, and that they had not forfeited that right, and that to invest it in any other would destroy "British as well as American freedom." After stating the causes which induced him to offer these resolutions, and the effect they had on the universal resistance of British taxation, and the separation of the two countries, he concludes his remarks by saying,—

"Whether this will prove a blessing or a curse, will depend upon the use our people make of the blessings which a gracious God hath bestowed upon us. If they are wise, they will be great and happy. If they are of a contrary character, they will be miserable. Righteousness alone can exalt them as a nation. Reader! whoever thou art, practise virtue thyself, and encourage it in others. P. HENRY."

Immediately after the promulgation of what was called the Boston port bill, the house of burgess in Virginia recommended, on the 29th of May, 1774, that a convention of the States should be called, to take into consideration the general interest that the colonies should from time to time require; and,

'Wirt's Life of Patrick Henry, p. 74.

to give effect to this recommendation, delegates were shortly after chosen, to meet at Williamsburg; among other purposes, to appoint deputies to the general congress. John Symmes and Patrick Henry were chosen; and in the instructions given them by the assembly, what subjects they wished them to deliberate upon, the following

was one:

"The African trade for slaves we consider the most dangerous to the virtue and welfare of this country. We therefore wish to see it totally discouraged."

After the war, the question arose, as to the propriety of allowing the return of the British refugees. Mr. Henry favored their return, in opposition to the views then generally held, and was successful in convincing the house of delegates of its propriety. He spoke of the vastness of the country, its prospects, and the need there was for inhabitants, and the necessity there was for encouraging emigration, and of making "this country the home of the skilful, the industrious, the fortunate and happy, as well as the asylum of the distressed," so that, finally, the country may be able "to take care of itself."

"Do you ask how you are to get them? Open your doors, sir, and they will come in. The population of the old world is full to overflowing. That population is ground, too, by the oppression of the governments under which they live. Sir, they are already standing on tip-. toe upon their native shores, and looking to your coasts

1 Wirt's Life of Patrick Henry, p. 118.

with a wishful and longing eye; they see here a land blessed with natural and political advantages which are not equaled by those of any other country upon earth,

a land on which a gracious Providence hath emptied the horn of abundance,—a land on which peace hath now stretched her white wings, and where content and plenty lie down at every door! Sir, they see something still more attractive than all this; they see a land in which LIBERTY hath taken up her abode, that liberty whom they had considered as a fabled goddess, existing only in the fancies of poets, they see her here as a real divinity, her altars rising on every hand throughout these happy States, her glories chanted by three millions of tongues, and the whole region smiling under her blessed influence. Sir, let but this celestial goddess, LIBERTY, stretch forth her fair hand towards the people of the old world, tell them to come, and bid them welcome, and you will see them pouring in from the north, from the south, from the east, and from the west; your wildernesses will be cleared and settled, your deserts will smile, your ranks will be filled, and you will soon be in a condition to defy the powers of any adversary."1

He felt no fears of any danger arising from the return of the British refugees. But do these people of the old world now go to the Southern States, when they find that slavery is there? or do they not, as has been observed in the house of delegates of Virginia within a few years, avoid. them as they would a pestilence? And how can it be otherwise? They come, as Mr. Henry said they would, in search of liberty, and they are not to be mocked when they get here, by going

1 Wirt's Life of Patrick Henry, p. 252.

into our Southern States: they have seen oppression enough in the old world, and, when they come here, they are able to distinguish the beast, though it is covered up by the name of the patriarchal institution. Will Virginia always force these people from her borders?

Lafayette, who had been to France, and returned in 1784, went to Williamsburg, in Virginia, while the house of delegates was in session. Patrick Henry with others were a committee to address him. In answer to their address, Lafayette makes use of this language, in speaking of the position of Virginia:

"May her fertile soil rapidly increase her wealth; may all the waters which so luxuriantly flow within her limits be happy channels of the most extensive trade; and may she, in her wisdom, and in the enjoyment of prosperity, continue to give the world unquestionable proof of her philanthropy and her regard for the liberties of all mankind."

When the adoption of the Constitution was under discussion, Patrick Henry, it appears, opposed it. He saw in it, as he thought, the seeds of a mighty monarchy, and that it would eventually be perverted to favor despotism. He thought the Confederation was sufficient for all the purposes of freedom and self-government; he saw no danger from the state of things at that time, and he thought the delegates to the convention had extended their instructions, and, instead of making

1 Wirt's Life of Patrick Henry, p. 266.

a confederation of the States, they had made a consolidated government. And he significantly asked what right they had to say "we the people," instead of "we the States." If the States are not the agents of the compact, it must be one great consolidated national government of the people of all the States. The people gave them no power to use their name :

"The federal convention ought to have amended the old system; for this purpose they were solely delegated. He then asks why it was they made the proposed change in the government? Mr. Randolph and Mr. Lee answered, and thought Mr. Henry had appealed to the fears of the members of the assembly, and objected to the course, and wished the house to decide according to their judgment, and not to alarm.

"Mr. Henry answered, when he asked the questions he did, he thought his meaning was obvious. The fate of America might depend upon them. Have they said we the States? If they had, this would be a confederation; it is most clearly obvious a consolidated government. The whole question turns on that poor little thing, the expression We the people,' instead of States of America." 1

"He then proceeded to set forth in terrible array his various objections to the Constitution; not confining himself to the clause under debate, but ranging through the whole of it, as the objections followed each other in his mind." In this discussion he was opposed by "Mr. Pendleton, Mr. Wythe, Mr. Madison, Mr. Marshall, Mr. Nicholas,

1 Wirt's Life of Patrick Henry, p. 284.