Imágenes de páginas
PDF
EPUB

assented to by twelve of the States. It may wound the delicacy of the gentleman from Guildford, [Mr. Goudy,] but I hope he will endeavor to accommodate his feelings to the interest and circumstances of his country." 991

Mark the language of this gentleman; that it was on the principle the South acknowledged the negroes were rational beings that the North consented to let them be represented, and not before ; and just so far as they were taxed, just so far were they allowed to vote: three fifths were to have votes, and three fifths were to be taxed; or, what amounted to the same thing in practice, each man was called three fifths of a man. But is this " rational being" represented in our national councils? Is he who, they have allowed, in a time of peace, contributed to the general wealth, cared for? is his interest looked after? Is he who has been toiling the fifty-three years since this Constitution has been adopted, to add to our wealth, had any one from the South come forward, before the councils of our nation, to ask for him a little respite from his toils, or to consider him, in the least degree, for all the labor he has performed? Can we look for no gratitude for such a length of service, or "is there no flesh in man's obdurate heart," and does he not yet "feel for man?" Are the words of the poet ever to remain true? and are governments and courts of law, like corporations, ever to be without souls? Is man never to receive justice from their hands, when avarice bids them nay? We wait, with anxious solicitude, for the reply.

' Elliot's Reports, vol. iii. p. 41.

Mr. Spencer, in speaking of taxation, said,

[ocr errors]

"I am sensible that laws operating on individuals cannot be carried on against States, because, if they do not comply with the general laws of the Union, there is no way to compel a compliance but by force."1

Here is an instance where Mr. Spencer says, directly, that congress had to do with the individual instead of the States; in fact, our revenue laws bear directly upon the people, and the States, as States, have nothing to do with them the power of taxation for the support of the general government is wholly confided to the people, and not to the States; and, consequently, as was intimated in many of the speeches made on the occasion, it was supposed that congress would lay such a tax on the slave as would compel emancipation; and the only way they thought they could escape was, the taxes would be in proportion to the representatives, and therefore could not be so increased as to compel emancipation. We, on the whole, incline to think it would have done it, if direct taxes had been laid for the support of the general government as was at first proposed.

2

"Gov. Johnston observed that a member says that it

Elliot's Reports, vol. iii. p. 78.

2 In this same speech, speaking of paper money, for the moment it gave great relief. "It assisted in prosecuting a bloody war. It is destructive in the end; it was struck, in the last instance, for the purpose of paying the officers and soldiers. The motive was laudable. I then thought, and still do, that these gentlemen [speaking of the officers of the army] might have had more advantage by not receiving that kind of payment. It would have been better for them, and for the country, had it not been emitted. We have in

is improper to take the power of taxation out of the hands of the people. I deny it is taken out of their hands by

volved ourselves in a debt of £200,000. We have not, with this sum, fairly and honestly paid £50,000. Was this right? But, say they, there was no circulating medium. This want was necessary to be supplied. It is a doubt with me whether the circulating medium be increased by an emission of paper currency. Before the emission of paper money there was a great deal of hard money with us. For thirty years past I have not seen so much money in circulation as we had at the emission of paper money in 1783. That medium was increasing daily. People from abroad bring specie; for, thank God, our country produces articles which are every where in demand. There is more specie in the country than is generally imagined, but the proprietors keep it locked up. No man will part with his specie. It lies in his chest. It is asked, why not lend it out? The answer is obvious: that, should he once let it out of his power, he never could recover the whole of it. If he bring a suit, he will obtain a verdict for one half of it. This is the reason of our poverty. The scarcity of money must, in some degree, be owing to this, and the specie that is now in this country might as well be in any other part of the world. If our trade was once on a respectable footing, we should find means of paying that enormous debt." *

Mr. Maclane said, "We had more money in gold and silver in circulation than we have nominal money now." "It is well known that in this country gold and silver vanish when paper money is made." t

In introducing these remarks, we have done it on account of the present agitation of the question respecting paper money, to make our readers acquainted, if they were not before, what was said on the subject on its first introduction in this country. One cannot but smile at the enormous debt then contracted, when we have now State debts of about two hundred millions; and, if report says true, the States in many cases have involved themselves without having but very little to show for their indebtedness.

We have also introduced them, in part, from the fear lest, in the great anxiety to obtain a national bank, any compromise should be made with the South to grant her a standing army, if she will consent to the establishment of such a moneyed institution.

* Elliot's Reports, vol. iii. p. 167.

† Idem, p. 89.

this system. Their immediate representatives lay these

taxes.'

"1

We would wish our readers to take notice of the remarks of Mr. Iredell, of North Carolina, and those of Mr. Spraight, and McDowall: in these we probably have the sentiments of most of the American people. How different at the present day, when our republican presidents, representatives, and reviewers, would endeavor to make us believe that all America had made it a point to guarantee this abomination to the South, when, according to truth, it was directly the other way! Nothing but the absolute necessity, according to this account of the sayings and doings of the people of even North Carolina, of forming a union, that the foreign slave-trade was permitted to continue for twenty years, and that against the will and wishes of all portions of the Union, saving South Carolina and Georgia. And, without doubt, it is to those two States that we, at the present day, are indebted for the continuance of the slave system; and these observations show how much we have to fear if it is much longer continued, and how fast it is gaining an ascendency over, and influencing the mind of this people. When we look back and see how openly slavery was denounced throughout the the original States, and how heartfelt was the grief manifested that it should be tolerated even for a moment, and that among slaveholders themselves, we are astonished such a change has already taken place.

Elliot's Reports, vol. iii. p. 88.

Now men from all parts of the country are lifting up their voices in its favor; they would make the discussing of the subject actionable at common law, a fit subject to cause an open war, if the' different States were independent nations, and an almost universal sanctioning of lynchings, insults, and contumely, if even discussions or conversation on the subject are to be allowed. If such a radical change as this has taken place when but about fifty years have passed over our nation, what must be expected should it be continued an hundred years longer, and that, if any one should then speak in derogation of what has most strangely been called the key-stone of the arch of our republic, he should be "hung without benefit of clergy?" Is there no danger it will be so? We now appeal to those who think there is no danger to be apprehended to our republican institutions, to our liberty, if this institution remains untouched. If it is not abolished by the strong arm of the law, or by our courts, or by the voluntary good sense or a sense of justice in every individual, may not the gag that has been so freely applied in congress eventually be made to apply to every person throughout our country? there is danger that such may be the result, we hope the lullaby song of doctors of divinity, or a perverted priesthood, will not cause this community to slumber. The watchword of liberty is, be vigilant, be brave. Give neither "sleep to the eyes, nor slumber to the eyelids," till each one has done something to satisfy those around him that

If

« AnteriorContinuar »